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A Walloon Family in America 

LocKwooD DE Forest and his 
Forbears 



IN TWO VOLUMES 

VOLUME II 



Walloon Family 

IN AMERICA 
Lockwood de Forest 

and his Forbears 1500 — 1848 

By MRS. ROBERT W. de FOREST 

Together with 
A VOYAGE TO GUIANA 

BEING THE 

Journal of Jesse de Forest 

And his Colonists 1 623-1 625 
VOLUME II 



BOSTON and NEW YORK Published by 
Houghton Mifflin Company MCMXIV 



COPYRIGHT, 1914, BY EMILY JOHNSTON DE FORBST 



ALL RIGHTS RESERVED 



Published December IQ14 






THIS EDITION CONSISTS OF SIX HUNDRED COPIES 






^ ^p^ 



Contents 

A WALLOON FAMILY IN AMERICA (Cont.) 
IX. LocKwooD DE Forest (1775-1848) 3 

EARLY STRUGGLES 3 

PROSPEROUS DAYS 23 

THE CHURCH TRIAL 49 

DE FOREST & SON, SHIPPING MERCHANTS 98 

FAMILY TIES I I? 

PEACEFUL DAYS AT LAST 15^ 

A VOYAGE TO GUIANA 

Introduction 171 

Journal 

du voyage faict far les peres de familles 
enuoyes par M" les Directeurs de la Coni- 
pagnee des Indes occidentales pour visiter la 
cos te de Gujane 188 

Journal 

of the voyage made by the fathers of 
families sent by the honorable the 
directors of the west india company 
to visit the coast of guiana i 89 

[-1 



Contents 

Appendix 283 

genealogical notes 283 

genealogical chart 313 

war records 317 

deeds and other papers 349 

lîIBLIOGRAPHY 365 

Index 373 



Illustrations 



Plan of the City of New York Front lining pages 

From an Engraving by P. R. Maverick, 1808 

Portrait of Mrs. Lockwood de Forest, about 1856, 
BY George A. Baker (^Photogravure) Frontispiece 

Owned by Stephen H. de Forest 

East View of Court House,Church, and Gaol, Fair- 
field 14 

From Barber's "Historical Collections of Connecticut," 
1836 

Long Wharf and the Site of the Bonticou House, 
New Haven 26 

From Doolittle's Map of New Haven, 1812 

Old Bonticou House, Wooster and Olive Streets, 
New Haven 30 

A restoration to show its probable appearance in 1804, when 
Lockwood de Forest first lived there 

New Haven Green and Centre Church 34 

From Doolittle's Map of New Haven, 18 12 

Centre Church, New Haven 68 

From an engraving by Fenner, Sears & Co., in the Library 
of Yale University. 

The "Brick Church," New York, from the Cor- 
ner OF Nassau Street and Park Row, 1820 108 

From a water-color drawing by Archibald Robertson in the 
New York Historical Society 

St. Paul's Church and the Broadway Stages, 1831 no 

From Valentine's Manual, 1861 



[ vii] 



Illustrations 



South Street from Maiden Lane, 1828. Painted 
AND Engraved by William I. Bennett 112 

From Valentine's Manual, 1854 

Washington Institute and the New York Reser- 
voir 120 

From Valentine's Manual, 1853 

Portrait of Lockwood de Forest, 1838, probably 
BY Samuel Waldo 146 

Owned by Samuel Downer 

Portrait of Mrs. Lockwood de Forest, about 1838, 
BY Waldo and Jewett 148 

Owned by Robert W. de Forest 

The Front Door of 22 St. Mark's Place 152 

Portrait OF Wheeler de Forest about 1855 158 

Owned by Robert W. de Forest 

Merchants' Exchange, Wall Street 160 

Owned in 1852 by W. Wheeler de Forest and two others 

St. John's Chapel-in-the-Fields, 1821. Engraved 
BY W. D. Smith from a Drawing by A. J. Davis 162 

From "The New York Mirror," 1829 

Silhouette of Lockwood de Forest, Saratoga, July 
24, 1843 164 

Cut by August Edouart 

Lockwood de Forest's Signature 167 

From his Family Bible, 1838 

Colored Map of the River Wyapoko 

Frontispiece to the 'Journal 170 
Reproduced as in the original Journal 

First Page of the Journal 174 

[ ^iii ] 



Illustrations 



Blaeuw's Map of Guiana, 1635 222 

In the Lenox Collection, New York Public Library 

Map of the River Cassipoure 242 

From the Journal 

Map of the River Essequibo 276 

From the Journal 

Map of the Coast of Guiana from the North 
Cape to the River Essequibo End lining pages 

From the Journal 



A Walloon Family in America 

LOCKWOOD DE FOREST AND 
HIS FORBEARS 



A 

Walloon Family in America 

LOCKWOOD DE FOREST AND 
HIS FORBEARS ^ 



IX 

LOCKWOOD DE FOREST 

Early Struggles 

OF Lockwood de Forest's childhood we know 
very Httle. Some of the incidents of his 
early life have already been mentioned, 
but for the sake of putting them in proper sequence, 
it is as well to repeat all the information that is 
available. 

He was bom on March 5, 1775, in the old house Moose mil 
on the lower part of Moose Hill, the one which his 
grandfather, Samuel, had built about 1732 or 1733, 
when all that region was a wilderness. At the time 
of Lockwood's birth, however, a good many neigh- 
bors lived in the vicinity and half of the old house 
belonged to his father, Nehemiah. 

Baby Lockwood was only a year old when his New Stratford 
father moved to the top of the hill and became land- 
lord of the village inn. There the boy's childhood 

[ 3] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New Stratford was passed during the troublous period of the Revo- 
lutionary War. Although he was only a little fellow 
we can imagine the boyish enthusiasm with which he 
heard the music of the fife and drum and watched 
the drilling of the recruits or saw his older cousins 
march off to the defense of their country ; and how 
attentively he listened also to the stories told by the 
French officers the night they were quartered in his 
father's inn. He was six years old the evening of 
that dance on the village green, when he and the 
other children had peeped from the upper window s 
and wished that they were old enough to participate. 
It was upon this same night that his little brother 
De Lauzun, who was named for the gay French 
officer, was born. After the soldiers had marched 
away, Lockwood would go to the house of Squire 
Lewis and gaze at the French rapier which hung 
over the mantel-shelf. The sight of that rapier al- 
ways made the lad long to be a soldier so that he 
could have a sword of his own and fight the enemy. 
As he grew older, he had plenty of occupations 
to keep him busy, foremost among them being his 
studies at the village school. The teaching afforded 
him tliere as a child was all that he had, and it was 
probably poor enough; but he showed later in life 
an aptitude for making the most of every opportu- 
nity, and so we may be sure that he learned all the 
little school could teach him. < 

There were in those days fully fifty children 

[4] 



Early Struggles 



who lived near enough to New Stratford to attend New Stratford 
this school, among the number being Lockwood's 
brothers and sisters and the three Wheeler girls — 
Sally-Betsey, Mehetabel, and Rhoda. Of all his play- 
fellows he always liked best little Hetty Wheeler, 
and Hetty had apparently no objection to being 
singled out by him. Thus they grew up together. 

In 1790, when Lockwood was about fifteen years 
old, his mother, Mary Lockwood, died. This was a 
serious loss for him. She was a good mother and had 
she lived would probably have exercised a wisely re- 
straining influence over him. Three years after her 
death, in the spring of 1793, it became evident that 
Nehemiah was intending to marry again. 

Perhaps the thought of his father's marrying sug- 
gested to Lockwood that he should do likewise, per- 
haps the idea of a stepmother was obnoxious to him, 
perhaps he simply found that he loved Hetty 
Wheeler; be the reason what it may, he decided to 
marry Hetty if Hetty would have him. Hetty, who 
at this time was but fifteen years old, was nothing 
loath ; she probably considered that she was having 
trials of her own; for it was in 1793 that Grand- 
mother Rhoda went to live with Hetty's parents at 
Foolshatch. So the two young lovers condoled with 
each other about these sore subjects with the result 
that Lockwood repaired to his father and announced 
that he had decided to marry and had chosen as his 
bride little Hetty Wheeler. 

[s] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New Stratford When asked by his father the reason for this sud- 
den resolution, Lockwood answered that he thought 
marriage would "steady'* him. Although his father 
and Hetty's parents may have believed that he 
needed steadying, they evidently did not consider 
this the best way of doing it, and strenuously op- 
posed the marriage on account of the extreme youth 
of both parties. The young people were determined, 
however, and Nehemiah, already recognizing, per- 
haps, the inflexible character of his son's decisions, 
finally said, "Well, I suppose if you have made up 
your mind to do it you will do it." He therefore gave 
a reluctant consent, and on July 14, 1793, the services 
of our old friend. Rev. Elisha Rexford, having been 
secured, the two young people were married. 

According to tradition, Nathan Wheeler gave his 
daughter by way of dowry only a cow ! As Nathan 
was a prosperous farmer and not in any way a poor 
man, this meagre dowry may have been given to 
mark his disapproval of the marriage, or the story 
may have been exaggerated ; but, whatever the rea- 
son, it has always been believed that with nothing to 
depend upon save Hetty's industry and Lockwood's 
determination to succeed, the young couple began 
life together in their modest home. 

This youthful marriage, consented to with so many 
misgivings, turned out to be an exceptionally happy 
one. Many years later it was still talked of by 
some of Lockwood's and Hetty's former neighbors, 

[6] 



Early Struggles 



and the following reminiscences of it were then New Stratford 
written : — 

Several aged people still living, whose memories 
retain events quite seventy years past, tell of the 
strong parental objections to that juvenile match, 
because of the youthfulness and inexperience of both 
parties and the apprehension that they would fail of 
self-support. But love and ambition dispelled the fears 
of the prudent seniors, and various pleasant anecdotes 
show the ingenuity and energy of the young bride — 
who made their narrow resources meet their wants and 
conquered all doubts of the parents on that score. . . . 
All testimonials concur in delightful eulogy of Mrs. 
Mehetabel de Forest. Outside of sympathy with the 
romance of her early venture upon matrimonial life, 
there remains a pleasant tradition of her lovely and 
gentle character, giving promise from childhood of 
those qualities that endeared her to family and friends 
in subsequent years. 

Mehetabel was indeed a wonderful little person 
— sweet, yet strong, very resourceful, always able 
to adapt herself to her environment, whatever it 
might be. Many of the anecdotes alluded to above 
are without doubt those which she herself loved to 
relate to her descendants in after years — tales of 
the days when she was young, when her resources 
were so slender, and when her little children came to 
her in rapid succession. Then, as she said, she had 
to be up early and late and would frequently set the 
table or perform other household duties while carry- 

[7] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Netu Stratford ing a Crying or fretful baby on her hip. In speaking 
of the makeshifts of poor people, she always said 
that there was no necessity for any child's wearing 
torn or soiled clothing; that she herself used to sit up 
after the family had gone to bed, to wash and mend 
so that her children might have clean and tidy 
clothes to put on in the morning. 

Not long after her marriage she and her husband 
looked over his wardrobe to see if it could be im- 
proved in any way. They found that his nankeen 
trousers, on which Lockwood depended for Sunday 
wear, were hopelessly faded. Hetty decided to try 
re -coloring them, and remembering the way her 
stepmother colored yarn with a dye made from but- 
ternut bark, she tried the same concoction on the 
trousers. After they were dried and pressed, she was 
delighted with the success of the experiment, and she 
and Lockwood walked to church the following Sun- 
day filled with praiseworthy satisfaction at the fine 
appearance which the young husband presented in 
his rejuvenated trousers and white waistcoat. 

He and Hetty with characteristic prudence had 
begun their wedded life in modest quarters. They 
had rented two rooms in a house belonging to Fred- 
erick Lewis, son of Squire Lewis, situated not far 
from the village green, on the road leading down the 
hill past the Monson homestead, which was later to 
be Nathan Wheeler's home. They were also ten- 
ants for a short time in another house in New Strat- 



[8] 



Early Struggles 



ford. In one or the other of these houses Meheta- New Stratford 
bel's first child, WiUiam Wheeler, was born on 
Christmas Eve, 1794. Shortly after this event the 
young couple were domiciled with Lockwood's 
father in the house on the Green, and there they re- 
mained until they left town in the autumn of 1796. 

It must have been a lively and interesting family 
thus gathered under the roof of the old inn with its 
historic associations and its many rooms. Nehe- 
miah and Eleanor were there with their infant son 
Charles, born in 1795, and six of Mary Lockwood's 
children still unmarried, were also presumably at 
home, when Lockwood brought his wife and little 
son to join the family circle. 

Tradition says that shortly after his marriage 
young de Forest opened a store ^ in New Stratford 
facing westward on the Green, and that his affairs 
there prospered. He was of too active a disposition, 
however, to be able to confine his energies solely to 
storekeeping in a small village ; before long he was 
interesting himself in local affairs, and occupying 
positions of trust in the township, thus following in 
his father's footsteps. 

It is worthy of note, as marking his neighbors' 

^ This store was on part of the farm which the Rev. 
Samuel Monson afterward sold to Nathan Wheeler. It 
stood on a small lot about three-fourths of an acre in extent 
which lay across the street to the south of the rest of the 
farm. Lockwood probably leased this store until such time 
as his father-in-law bought it with the rest of the farm. 



[9 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New Stratjord appreciation of the integrity and business ability of 
the young man, then only nineteen years of age, 
that on December 25, 1794, ^^ the annual meeting 
of the New Stratford Society, " lawfully warned and 
legally holden," they "voted that Lockwood De 
Forest be Treasurer for year ensuing." To be asked 
to fill such a position showed what an unusual degree 
of confidence, for those conservative and cautious 
days, was bestowed upon him ; but those who voted 
may have been to some extent influenced by the fact 
that the young treasurer had on the previous day 
attained the dignity of fatherhood. 

Following his father's example, Lockwood be- 
came a member of the Washington Masonic Lodge 
and was soon afterward made its treasurer. He was 
also appointed a town constable. 
Weston Still all these interests were not enough to occupy 
him. He felt, too, the restraining influence of his 
father's home and longed for a home of his own. He 
also thought that he might do better as storekeeper 
in a newer community. Therefore, in the autumn 
of 1796, not long before his second child was born, 
Lockwood left the old inn and the quiet village where 
he and his wife were born and made a venture on his 
own account. As we know, his brother William 
joined with him in this enterprise. They went, how- 
ever, only to the neighboring township of Weston,^ 

^ This township was afterward divided and the part where 
Lockwood lived is now called Easton. 



[ i°] 



Early Struggles 

on the western border of New Stratford. For a iFeston 
corner lot two acres in extent, with a dwelling-house, 
barn, and store already on it, the two brothers paid 
"£450 lawful money/' This purchase was made 
August 2, 1796. 

We cannot help wondering how Lockwood secured 
his half of the price. Probably his father gave him 
part of it; for in Nehemiah's will, made in 1801, 
he says, "My dearly beloved son Lockwood" has 
had "as much already as will remain for my other 
children in the above proportion." Judging by the 
amount that the others received from their father's 
estate, it is likely that Lockwood had been given 
about ^500. Where did the remaining sum come 
from.^ We cannot tell; he may have borrowed it. 
At any rate, the surplus earnings of three years in a 
village store could hardly have reached so consider- 
able an amount. 

On February 17, 1797, a daughter came to gladden 
the hearts of the young people, and Lockwood gave 
her his mother's name, Mary Lockwood. Mary was 
born in her father's house in Weston Centre, the 
house which adjoined "Centre Store," and was on 
the opposite side of the street from the Academy; 
but she always loved in after years to say playfully 
that she was born in "the Devil's Den." This was 
the local name for a wonderfully picturesque spot in 
the neighborhood, which was not, however, a very 
fearsome place, although some neighbor devising 

[ " ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Weston property in the vicinity had ventured to allude to it 

as "the D I's Den." 

Lockwood's separation from his father's family 
and his settling in a new neighborhood reveal one of 
his most marked characteristics ; namely, a constant 
desire to move on in order to better himself. His 
ancestors from Jesse downward had ever been mov- 
ing on toward the same end. They, however, had 
been pioneers, always pushing farther and farther 
into the wilderness. Lockwood, as it were, reversed 
the process and retraced their steps. Dating from 
his move to Weston and his ownership of the Centre 
Store there, his thoughts had begun to turn city- 
ward, toward the prospect of a larger and more 
populous community as offering greater opportuni- 
ties for advancement. Even at that early period, 
as the pastor of the Weston church afterward said, 
''The trend of life was already city-ward." 

It is not surprising, therefore, that only a year 
after buying the property at Weston, Lockwood, 
on July 1 8, 1797, should have sold his share to his 
brother William (for £200)^ and in the fall of that 
year should have left the hill country for good. All 
this was in the line of progress, but it was hard on 
nineteen-year-old Mehetabel, who in her four years 
of married life had had two children, had moved 
four times, and was now to make her fifth move. 

^ This was the house and store which William in turn 
sold to Nehemiah in 1798. 

[ 12] 



Early Struggles 



This change took Lockwood into the larger world Fairfield 
— to the county town of Fairfield. Ever since 
David de Forest had come to Connecticut just one 
hundred years earlier, one or other of our friends — 
David, Samuel, Nehemiah, or Lockwood — had 
lived in Fairfield County, but Lockwood was the 
first one ambitious enough to try his fortune at the 
county seat. 

Doubtless the governing reason for Lockwood's 
move was that he had received certain ofiicial 
appointments which necessitated his residence in 
Fairfield. The first one was that of constable, the 
second that of "Collector of Town and State taxes 
for the towns of Fairfield and Weston" (49th As- 
sessment District of Connecticut), and the third 
that of deputy sheriff of the county of Fairfield. 

This last appointment had come through the 
high sheriff, "Elijah Abel Esquire." The high sher- 
iff was himself always appointed by the Governor 
and Council. He in turn appointed six deputies 
who were responsible to him for many official acts, 
such as making arrests, serving processes, and exe- 
cuting warrants. They had the "same power as the 
sheriff appointing them," and the sheriff was respon- 
sible for any neglect or default on the part of his 
deputies. Among other duties was the proper keep- 
ing of the jail, or "gaol," as the word was more often 
spelled in those days. One of the deputies was there- 
fore always put in charge of it and was required to 

[ 13] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Fairfield livc in **the gaolci^s house," which, although under 
the same roof, was quite independent of the gaol 
except for a communicating door. This duty of 
residence fell upon the shoulders of young Lockwood 
de Forest. 

Fairfield was a place of considerable importance 
even in early days. It was settled at about the same 
date as Stratford (1639), and the county of Fair- 
field, which included both towns, was established in 
1666. Fairfield from its position on the Sound was 
a port of entry for Connecticut, and many vessels 
arrived there from distant places laden with rare 
and curious things of all kinds and with beautiful 
stuffs wherewith to bedeck the ladies, and the gentle- 
men, too, of the gay little town. Nor were the peo- 
ple satisfied to adorn their persons: they were ambi- 
tious to cultivate their minds too; and from the time 
when Harvard and Yale opened their doors, sons of 
Fairfield could be counted among their students. 

The Green was the oldest part of the town and 
the centre of the town life. On it were located the 
meeting-house, the schoolhouse, the ordinary or 
inn, and the gaol, with the court-house in the very 
middle. Both county and probate courts were held 
in this building and during more than two hundred 
years justice was dispensed from it. Stirring was the 
scene about it on court days, especially at the noon 
hour, when judge, lawyers, witnesses, and friends 
repaired to the tavern for their dinners. 

1 14] 




EAST VIEW OF COURT HOUSE, CHURCH, AND GAOL, FAIRFIELD 
From Barber's " Historical Collections of Connecticut," 1836 



Early Struggles 

Everything of any importance took place on the Fairfield 
Green. Here the train -bands were drilled in the 
early days, and later the militia went through their 
evolutions. In 1779, the year when Fairfield was 
completely destroyed by the British, it was on the 
Green that the British soldiers fought hand to hand 
with the inhabitants before the town was finally 
captured; and after the place had been burned — 
church, court-house, and gaol, along with private 
houses — it was also on the Green that the hapless 
residents camped until they could improvise shelters 
on their home lots. After the war the town was 
rebuilt, but never, except for the buildings men- 
tioned above, on the same scale as before. The 
many fine houses had all been destroyed, with their 
contents, and the owners could only afford to put 
up very simple buildings in their stead. 

Such was the place to which Lockwood brought 
his family in the fall of 1797. He and his wife with 
little William Wheeler and Mary probably moved 
into their new abode soon after Lockwood had sold 
his Weston property to his brother in Jul}^ 1797. 
At any rate, Lockwood was already established in 
"my dwelling house in Fairfield" (the gaoler's 
house) before November 7, 1797. 

The house itself was pleasant enough. It fronted 
on Meeting House Green, facing the court-house, 
and was a long, low building with a nice garden in 
the rear, surrounded by a picket fence. The garden 

[ '5] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Fairfield WES directly back of the site where the old Fairfield 
Academy building now stands, but alas, the Acad- 
emy was built just too late for little William Wheeler 
to attend school in it. 

Very near the garden was a large pond, which, 
however, the children were hardly old enough to 
enjoy. This was the pond where in the olden times 
the authorities used to duck the witches. If they 
floated, they were true-enough-witches, but if they 
sank and perchance were drowned, they were de- 
clared innocent.^ 

But the place where the children liked best of all 
to play, even better than in their own garden, was 
the lovely green in front of their home. Many years 
later little Mary was to live in a house which stood 
even then on a corner just across the Green from 
her playground. The picture of the Green taken 
from Barber's Historical Collections shows on the 
left the gaol and the gaol-keeper's house as they 
looked when the children played on the grass before 
the door. 

We must now hear something of the gaol of which 



^ Poor Mercy Disborough and Elizabeth Clawson were 
"proven" in this pond in 1692, and the testimony given 
was that when they "were bound hand and foot and put in 
the water, they swam like cork; and one labored to press 
them into the water, and they buoyed up like cork." An 
old lady still living in Fairfield said recently, "Yes, we had 
witches here in the olden time and they were the smartest 
women in town!" 



[ 16 ] 



Early Struggles 



the children's father had charge. Such an institu- Fairfield 
tion was important even in those early days and the 
Fairfield gaol was of particular importance, as it 
was the only one between Fairfield and New Haven 
except farther back in the country, at Danbury. 
The earliest gaol at Fairfield, a very rude affair, had 
been burned down in 1768, a prisoner having set 
fire to it. The second was erected in 1769, it having 
been voted at a town meeting "that the County of 
Fairfield have liberty to erect a Prison and House for 
the Gaol Keeper on the westerly part of the Meet- 
ing House Green northwesterly of the Pond and 
southeasterly of the County Road and liberty for 
a garden for the Gaoler, the westerly extension of 
such garden to be five rods distant from Mr. Thad- 
deus Burr's Home lot." Ten years later, during the 
British raid on Fairfield, the second building fol- 
lowed the fate of the first. It was, however, rebuilt 
in the same form and on the same foundations. 

The house was used as a tavern as well as a prison ; 
it was here that people who came from a distance 
to attend court were entertained. It contained a 
public bar where any one might obtain liquor, an 
objectionable custom which was not abolished until 
1844. 

Not far from the gaol and in front of the court- 
house was the whipping-post, which is still there 
but used for a less cruel purpose, as the support to 
a bulletin board. Here wife-beaters received their 



[ '7] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Fairfield just Tcward, OF refractory slaves or drunkards were 
given the prescribed number of lashes. Nearby were 
the stocks. Some of the culprits confined in the 
stocks were technically known as "tavern haunt- 
ers," and they were liable to be fined $3.34 or to be 
obliged to "sit in the stocks for the space of two 
hours." If a man could in any way supply the 
amount of his fine, we may be sure that he did so; 
for it was one of the children's favorite amusements 
to jeer at these helpless offenders. 

Of course, among those confined in the gaol vv ere 
the usual malefactors ; but there were many others 
detained simply for debt, and the sheriff was re- 
quired to make a strict separation between debtors 
and felons. Some of the debtors were merely Epis- 
copalians who had refused to pay rates for the sup- 
port of the official Congregational church. 

Certain large trees at each end of the village were 
called "limit trees," and prisoners who were con- 
fined for debt only were sometimes allowed to walk 
as far as these trees if the gaoler thought he could 
trust their promises to go no farther. In the same way 
there were limit trees for the Tory prisoners during 
the Revolutionary War. Most of these trees have 
long since fallen into decay, but a few still remain. 

Some of the provisions for the care of the pris- 
oners are interesting.^ The gaols were to be used 
as "Houses of Correction," and the rules for such 
* See Statutes of Connecticut, Revision of 1795. 

[ «8] 



Early Struggles 



houses were to govern the running of the gaol. Fairfield 
Those who so desired were permitted to have their 
food sent to them, as well as linen, bedding, and 
other necessities. Gaolers were allowed ^.84 per 
week for the diet of each prisoner, but just after 
Lockwood left, this amount was increased to ^1.67 
for the same period. For each commitment and 
discharge of a prisoner ^.34 was received by the 
deputy sheriff; for attending justices' court, jS.25, 
and for each mile travelled, ^.05. 

In the earlier days many mortifying punishments 
were endured by prisoners, as, for instance, when 
they were taken outside the gaol and exposed to the 
gaze of passers-by. Perhaps it was some such humil- 
iation as this which induced the prisoner to set fire 
to the gaol in 1768. We may hope the treatment 
was more humane under Lockwood's rule ; it would 
hardly have accorded with his sense of justice and 
fairness to his fellow-man to have inflicted so un- 
necessary a punishment even on a criminal.^ 

^ That his successors were lenient is shown by the follow- 
ing amusing anecdote, written by the grandson of one of the 
high sheriffs: *'I well remember, when the Jail was burned in 
1852, that the released prisoners stood in a row under guard 
on the opposite side of the street and with tearful eyes 
loudly lamented the destruction of 'the best home they ever 
had!'" 

In 1853, the year after this final burning of the gaol, the 
county seat was removed to Bridgeport, and the partly 
rebuilt brick gaol was converted into St. Paul's Episcopal 
Church. 

Bridgeport had previously made several strenuous efforts 



[ '9 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Fairfield When Lockwood first came to Fairfield, he ap- 
parently did not feel absolutely sure that his new 
position as gaoler would suit him; for he took pains 
to secure the possibility of returning to New Strat- 
ford and his village store there. On December 8, 
1797, shortly after he had settled in his new home, 
his father-in-law bought the Monson property in 
New Stratford, as we have already heard, and 
Lockwood's old store was included in the purchase. 
The very next day Lockwood bought from Nathan 
Wheeler for ^250 the store and the three quarters of 
an acre lot on which it stood. Possibly he persuaded 
the latter to manage the store for him ; for he could 
hardly have taken charge of the Fairfield gaol and 
directed affairs in the New Stratford store at the 
same time, even had they been less than l^enty 
miles apart. 

We must remember, too, that he was collector of 
town and state taxes for the townships of Fairfield 
and Weston. His instructions were simple enough. 
He was given a list of taxes and told to collect them. 
This he did where possible by notifying landholders 

to get the county seat away from Fairfield, one of the prin- 
cipal complaints being that it was difficult to obtain good and 
sufficient food there. On one of these occasions, in order to 
meet the slander, half a dozen residents of Fairfield were 
summoned, every one of whom weighed between two hun- 
dred and three hundred pounds. Thus was it proved that 
good food was abundant in Fairfield, and Bridgeport had to 
relinquish her efforts for the time being. 



[ 2°] 



Early Struggles 

through advertisement to come and pay up. Sixteen Fairfield 
months later, in those cases where the taxes had not 
been paid, he "made public sale of said tracts of 
land and houses." 

With all these varied interests Lockwood must 
have been a very busy man; it is said, moreover, that 
while he was gaoler and deputy sheriff he "did the 
bulk of the business connected with the Sheriff's 
office." His duties thus brought him in contact with 
judges and lawyers, and he gained a large acquaint- 
ance with men throughout the county, his constant 
attendance in the courts of Connecticut w^hile he 
was deputy sheriff educating him in the general prin- 
ciples of the law. All this experience was of the 
greatest advantage to him in after life. 

Although public affairs occupied so much of Lock- 
wood's time, domestic concerns were of interest also, 
especially when another daughter, Susan, was born 
on June 3, 1799. Some people thought it rather out 
of the way that "one of those De Forest children'* 
should have been born in the gaol, but this did not 
trouble Lockwood at all. The gaoler's house was his 
"dwelling house" and Mehetabel undoubtedly had 
made it a real home. 

He was not gaoler much longer, however, for one 
of the other deputies was appointed to the position 
in 1800. It is possible that Lockwood resigned in 
order to have more time for outside ventures. 
Strangely enough, a copy has just been discovered 

[ 21 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Fairfield of an old nevvspapcr, "The American Télégraphe," 
printed in Bridgeport on November 19, 1800. From 
this paper we learn for the first time that Lockwood 
de Forest and his partner, Peter L. Gregory, under 
the firm name of De Forest & Gregory, ran a veri- 
table department store in Bridgeport at that time. 
They advertised that they had just returned from 
New York with a fresh and very extensive assort- 
ment of goods, including " Broadcloathes, superfine 
and coarse; Cashmires, Friezes, Forrest Cloths, 
Baizes, Swansdowns, Velvets, Royal Cord, Callicoes 
and Chintzes, Dimety, Jackonett and Book Muslins, 
Sattin do.. Cape do., Humhums, Irish and Check'd 
Linnen, Russell and various coloured striped and 
plain Callimancoes, Rattinett, Shalloon, etc." For 
the adornment of the ladies there were " Purple and 
white Shawls, Cammels hair and silk do. of various 
kinds and colours, silk Gloves and Hosiery, Worsted 
do.. Satins of all Kinds, Laces and edgings, strip'd 
Lutestrings, of the newest fashion." In the way of 
eatables they advertised "Brandy and Rum by the 
bbl. or less quantity. Gin, Cherry-Rum, Molasses, 
Loaf, Lump and brown Sugar, Hyson skin, Suchong 
and Bohea Teas, etc." They also had a complete 
assortment of "Cutlery, Hardware and Crockery." 
What modern department store could carry a more 
varied line of goods ! 

With this magnificent assortment displayed in 
Bridgeport, Lockwood de Forest had no longer any 

[2a] 



Prosperous Days 



use for his country store in New Stratford. So that Fairfield 
same year he resold it to his father-in-law, in order 
that he might put all his energies and all his cash 
into the new enterprise. 

When Lockwood left the Fairfield gaol, he bought 
an acre of land in the town with a partly finished 
house upon it and, having completed the building, 
went there with his family to live. Having a good 
chance eight months later to sell it for over twice the 
sum he had given for it, he did not hesitate to do this 
and to move elsewhere. 

He also shortly afterward sold several other pieces 
of real estate in Fairfield ; he may even have sold his 
interest in the Bridgeport store, for we hear nothing 
further about it. 

All these preparations would seem to indicate 
clearly that with increasing mental power and busi- 
ness ability he had begun to seek opportunities and 
activities elsewhere, and it is hardly surprising that 
with his characteristic energy he sought them in a 
larger community than Fairfield or even Bridgeport; 
namely, in the city of New Haven. 

Prosperous Days 

Some time during the later part of 1801 Lockwood New Haven 
gave the word and his family obediently followed 
him in the new and important move from Fairfield to 
New Haven, then a city of four or five thousand in- 
habitants. He was expecting to fill some of the same 

[23] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New Haven officcs in New Haven that he had aheady filled in 
Fairfield ; his position as collector of town and state 
taxes he continued to occupy for some years longer, 
for it was not necessary for the collector to live in his 
assessment district. 

Apparently the immediate reason for his change of 
residence was that he had become gaoler of the New 
Haven gaol, which would go to prove that his reign 
in the similar institution at Fairfield had been suc- 
cessful. In New Haven, during the year 1802-03, he 
held the oflftce of gaoler and that of constable as well. 
In 1803-04 he was also one of the deputy sheriffs, but 
in the latter year there was a different man in charge 
of the gaol. 

We have now come to the time when Lockwood de 
Forest began to assume a more prominent position 
in the world. He was twenty-six years old, with a 
wife and four children (Eliza was born in Fairfield on 
April 12, 1 801), and he was no longer satisfied with a 
subordinate position. He longed to work independ- 
ently amid surroundings that offered larger oppor- 
tunity for advancement. This wider opportunity was 
soon to appear and to take practical form. The new 
venture was to be far more exacting than any he had 
yet undertaken. It was no less a career than that 
of shipping merchant, for which all his previous and 
varied experiences had been preparing him. To this 
end his first step was to enter into partnership with 
John Buckley and Elihu Daggett under the firm 

[ n] 



Prosperous Days 



name of Buckley, De Forest & Co., and to establish New Haven 
himself with his partners on Long Wharf. 

Union Wharf or Long Wharf, as it is usually called, 
was 3,480 feet long ^ and was built principally of 
stone quarried from East Rock ; in its structure may 
still be found, however, material brought as ballast 
from many distant lands — rocks from Gibraltar 
or Malta, gravel from the harbor of Dublin, stones 
from Bristol, from the Gulf of Para, from Sicily, and 
from almost every island in the West Indies. "New 
Haven," wrote one of its sons, " owes its chief mer- 
cantile importance to this wharf, as the creek — the 
only practical means of reaching New Haven by 
water — was too shallow for shipping."^ Its his- 
tory is interesting. As early as 1644 such a wharf was 
proposed, and the Court ordered that every male in 
the town from sixteen years old to sixty should give 
four days' labor on it — "those that cannot worke 
to hyre others to work in their stead, and those that 
care to, work in their own persons." This amount of 
labor proving insufficient to finish the wharf, sub- 
scriptions were started. Owing to the scarcity of 
money, the subscribers often contributed such ar- 
ticles as one hundred bushels of salt, four pairs of 
shoes, hogsheads of molasses or brandy. West India 

^ In 1863 it was the longest wharf in the United States, 
but there are undoubtedly longer ones now. 

"^ See able paper by T. R. Trowbridge, History of Long 
Wharf in New Haven, Papers of New Haven Historical 
Society, vol. i, p. 86. 



[ 25 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New Haven goods, loads of lumber or stone, while others gave 
their own services — blacksmithing work, freightage 
to New York, etc. In early days the General Assem- 
bly of the Colony authorized lotteries in order to 
raise £1000 for this purpose, and still the great work 
was not finished. It seemed like pouring water into a 
sieve. As late as 1799 no dividends had been paid, all 
the income for over one hundred years having gone 
toward repairs, and the wharf was not yet completed. 
Finished or not, the Long Wharf was the pride and 
boast of the "town born," for those who could claim 
this title held themselves above those who could not, 
and did not allow these latter the same rights on the 
wharf. In fact, a sharp distinction was drawn be- 
tween the "town born" and "interlopers." It was 
the custom for the Long Wharf merchants to assem- 
ble frequently at the tavern at the head of the wharf 
to have a good time. There over a "bowl of punch" 
or "half and half," made from genuine "Grenada or 
Antigua" of their own importation, they would dis- 
cuss the state of the West India trade, the condition 
of the country, and affairs generally. It was on one 
such occasion, "when nearly all were assembled, 
that the astounding news was received of the treach- 
ery of their old friend and fellow West India mer- 
chant, Benedict Arnold. They could not believe 
that one who in 1775 was with the foremost to march 
in defense of his country, could ever betray it ; but 
when the evidence was past controverting, they con- 

[ 26 ] 




LONG WHARF AND THE SITE OF THE BONTICOU HOUSE, NEW HAVEN 
From Doolittle's Map of New Haven, 1812 



Prosperous Days 



soled themselves with the reflection that Arnold was New Haven 
not a 'Long Wharf merchant ' ; had he been located 
on that venerable wharf, he could never have been 
a traitor." 

Great, too, was the excitement among the boys in 
the town when the news would spread that a vessel 
had arrived from the West Indies ! Then they would 
flock to the wharf, where oranges and cocoanuts were 
freely distributed and where there was always the 
possibility of securing sugar or molasses from leaky 
hogsheads. The Yale students, also, were wont to 
flock there for the good bathing opportunities it 
afl^orded. 

To be situated on this wharf was a matter of real 
concern to shipping merchants. It is recorded that 
on August 25, 1804, Lockwood de Forest's new firm 
purchased from Andrew Hull, Jr., for ^1500 "a 
certain piece of land with two stores standing 
thereon ... on the West Side of Union Wharf being 
the First & Second stores from the North end of the 
Long range, with all the Land & Flats thereunto be- 
longing," and these "stores" must have been large 
ones ; for it is noted that they contained at one time 
twelve hundred barrels of flour and, presumably, 
other merchandise. When these two stores were pur- 
chased, the wharf had just been thoroughly repaired 
and put in first-rate condition. 

Although not town-born, Mr. de Forest became 
a very successful and prosperous Long Wharf mer- 

[27] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Nezo Haven chant, and his name is still to be seen in a list of the 
most prominent merchants of New Haven at that 
time. The business of the firm was largely a commis- 
sion one and a considerable part of its trade was with 
the West Indies, as well as with South America, 
where Mr. de Forest's cousin, David C. de Forest 
("Don Deforest," as he was called), was established 
in Buenos Ayres. Among other things shipped by the 
firm were "well dried corn, oats, beans," and num- 
bers of horses, the latter apparently being sent to 
these southern ports ; the invoice at one time calling 
for "20 sprightly pacing horses" and at another for 
" 30 well made gay young horses." Buckley, De For- 
est & Co. also received for sale hundreds of hogs- 
heads of gin, brandy, and rum from the Windward 
Islands, and hundreds of barrels of best Virginia 
flour for "those private families who boast them- 
selves of having good bread." 

Thus it will be seen that they prospered. In 1809 
they seem to have taken Captain James Goodrich as 
partner, and to have largely increased their holdings 
on Long Wharf. Captain Goodrich was a firm friend 
of Lockwood de Forest and stood by him stead- 
fastly at the period of great stress, now not very far 
off, when he was obliged to undergo a church trial. 
By 181 1 John Buckley, who had already moved to 
New York, had sold his share of the property to the 
new firm, and it was then called Goodrich & De 
Forest. 

[ 28 ] 



Prosperous Days 



What were Lockwood de Forest's family doing all New Haven 
this time and where was the home that sheltered 
them? On December 21, 1802, not long after his 
arrival in New Haven, he had bought the easterly 
half of a house (including a back kitchen, barn, out- 
houses, well, and pump) on the south side of the 
Green and installed his family therein. Although the 
situation was one of the very pleasantest in town, 
even this house was but a temporary abiding-place. 
Mr. de Forest probably wanted a little more space 
about him, and his partners no doubt felt the same 
need. Therefore on November 21, 1804, Andrew Hull, 
Jr., John Buckley, Lockwood de Forest, and Elihu 
Daggett together paid ^9,000 to James Bonticou for 
one acre of land with the buildings thereon, in that 
part of New Haven then called *'New Township." 

This lot was in 1804 not far from the water-side 
and was bounded on the north by the highway 
(Chapel Street), on the east by the land of William 
Fairchild, on the south by Wooster Street, and on the 
west by Olive Street. On it stood a commodious 
dwelling-house, and this with the other buildings 
Mr. de Forest and Mr. Buckley divided between 
them, while the rest of the property was owned by 
the four partners in undivided fourths. The two 
gentlemen above-mentioned, Mr. Buckley and Mr. 
de Forest, gradually became possessed of the two 
fourths originally belonging to Mr. Hull and Mr. 
Daggett, so that when in 181 1 John Buckley (having 

[29] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Tiew Haven moved to New York) sold his share to Lockwood de 
Forest, the latter was left in possession of the original 
acre with all the buildings on it. 

The house had been standing since Revoluticjnary 
days and had, moreover, interesting traditions of that 
period. Captain Peter Bonticou built it about 1770. 
He was a prosperous shipping merchant and had 
large dealings with the West Indies. There were not 
many stores or warehouses in New Haven at that 
date and the foresighted captain had built under his 
house a spacious cellar, "as big as a ship's hold," it 
was said. Why this huge cellar.^ And on what was 
based the tradition that an underground passage 
connected the cellar with the harbor? Could we, 
perchance, suspect our captain of smuggling a bit ? 
Maybe ; for Peter Bonticou's house faced toward the 
water-side and was easy of access therefrom, and we 
know that many another New Haven cellar housed 
goods which never paid taxes to His British Majesty. 

Above the cellar the house was two stories high, 
with large pleasant rooms. In front there was a 
porch with doorways on both first and second floors, 
and on each side of the porch were seats. There was 
then a garden surrounded by a picket fence in front 
of the house. 

In this pleasant house Peter Bonticou lived with 
his family, which included his aged father Timothy.^ 

^ Timothy Bonticou, who was of Huguenot descent, had 
in his early married life lived in Stratford. 



[ 30] 




OLD BONTICOU HOUSE, WOOSTER AND OLIVE STREETS, NEW HAVEN 

A RESTORATION TO SHOW ITS PROBABLE APPEARANCE IN I 804, WHEN LOCKWOOD DE 
FOREST FIRST LIVED THERE 



Prosperous Days 



When the British invaded New Haven, a mob of New iiaven 
drunken soldiers visited this house, where they 
ripped open mattresses and furniture in their search 
for valuables, promptly robbed the old gentleman of 
his silver knee and shoe buckles, and attempted to 
abduct the daughter of the house. Her mother with 
great tact entertained the soldiers while sending 
secretly for help. Some Royalist neighbors inter- 
vened, but only just in time; for they found old 
Timothy with a rope around his neck and the other 
end thrown over one of the beams of the house. 

The house is still standing, but not exactly as it 
was ; for Mr. de Forest, feeling the need of more room 
for his ever-increasing family, raised the roof and 
added another story, and since then the streets have 
been widened, and lawn and fence have disappeared. 
Thus the old home may be seen to this day, but 
in a rather dilapidated condition, on the northeast 
corner of Wooster and Olive Streets. 

Of course money was needed for all these expen- 
sive purchases ; and as money was scarce in the de 
Forest family when they first came to New Haven, 
they bethought themselves of the old farm at Fools- 
hatch, the one in which little Hetty and her sisters 
had been born and which was still owned by the 
three sisters. Hetty thereupon persuaded Sally 
Nichols to join her in selling their interest in the 
farm to their stepmother, Eunice. Each of them 
received £121; and Hetty's portion, even if it v/as 

[3> ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New Haven not a veiy large sum of money, was of course a help 
to her husband. 

One of the first things Lockwood did after having 
estabHshed his family in his temporal home was 
to seek a spiritual home. He and Mehetabel were 
descended from devout, earnest. Christian people, 
serving God with true New England strictness, 
holding closely to the Calvinistic teaching of that 
day, and they naturally allied themselves with 
the church that most nearly conformed to these 
doctrines. This proved to be the "First Church 
and Society in New Haven" (Congregational), now 
called the "Centre Church." 

When they first went there, the minister, al- 
though a good and learned man, did not preach very 
interesting sermons nor was he inspiring in any way. 
It was therefore hardly surprising that the congre- 
gation in 1805 voted that he "retire from his pas- 
toral labors." On March 5, 1806, the Rev. Moses 
Stuart, a young man of "strong impetuous elo- 
quence," was ordained pastor, and under his min- 
istrations a memorable revival of religion took 
place, and both Lockwood and Mehetabel came 
under its influence. 

They had never really "joined the Church" nor 
had any of their children been baptized ; but under 
such impelling power as that of Mr. Stuart they 
could no longer delay, and on April 6, 1806, they 
came before the congregation and were formally 

[ 32] 



Prosperous Days 



admitted to the church. Their five children — New Haven 
WiUiam Wheeler, Mary Lockwood, Susan, Eliza, 
and Jane — were at the same time baptized. What 
a touching sight it must have been ! First, the father 
and mother received their membership, and then 
the five little children, ranging in age from eleven 
years to one year, were brought forward and re- 
ceived baptism. Verily a testimonial to the ear- 
nestness of Mr. Stuart as well as to the doctrines he 
preached ! 

But this joining of the church gave grievous im- 
portance to an act committed by Mr. de Forest 
which was later to involve him in a long and cruel 
controversy. It was no more than that of playing 
cards with some friends in New York, but such an 
act was considered a crime by many of the godly 
people of that day. The circumstances will be fully 
related in the account of Lockwood's church trial, 
but we may say now that Mr. Stuart, having heard 
in some way of Mr. de Forest's card game, spoke 
to him about it. The latter felt at first that there 
was nothing really wrong in his action because the 
friends with whom he played engaged frequently in 
a game and yet were "very good men." Later, how- 
ever, he went to Mr. Stuart and made to him an 
"ample acknowledgement of his guilt" and ex- 
pressed his contrition therefor, and to any of his 
friends who spoke to him about the matter he 
declared himself in the same way regarding the 

[ 33 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New Haven "crime." After thus, as he supposed, having per- 
formed his whole duty, he considered the matter 
closed and no longer troubled himself about it. 

The church continued to increase and strengthen 
under Mr. Stuart's ministry and Mr. de Forest 
greatly enjoyed and appreciated his constant as- 
sociation with his pastor. Unfortunately for him, 
however, this state of affairs was not to last. Mr. 
Stuart, who seems to have had more influence over 
him than any one else, was in 1810 called to the 
Professorship of Sacred Literature in the theologi- 
cal seminary at Andover and felt it his duty to 
accept. 

In 1812 the vacant pulpit was filled by the Rev. 
Nathaniel W. Taylor — a strong and good man, but 
somewhat lacking in the tact which was so marked 
in Mr. Stuart. Under the guidance of Mr. Taylor 
many new members were added to the church, and 
it was during his pastorate, in 18 13 and 18 14, that 
the new Centre Church, to this day one of the most 
beautiful and dignified structures in New Haven, 
was built in the middle of the Green. It was in this 
noble building, only a year later, that Lockwood 
de Forest was to stand on trial before the congre- 
gation. 

Lockwood was a man of high character. He was 
also of strong and ungovernable will, very persistent, 
very strenuous in the matter of what he thought 
right, doing it without hesitation and without much 

[ 34 J 




♦ • YalrM.illr^r» 






s V K K 






rt ii i ^i^i^^il'in ' ^'t^' ^ n ' ^r 










: 



n 



t « » t 



A' 7' 

1. 










I 










w 



NEW HAVEN GREEN AND CENTRE CHURCH 

From Doolittle's Map of New Haven, 1 812 



Prosperous Days 



consultation with others or regard for their views. New Haven 
During the fourteen years of his residence in New 
Haven he led a serious and earnest life, imperious 
with his children, from whom he exacted strict obe- 
dience, bringing them up in a harsh and formal 
way, as was the custom among the early New 
Englanders. 

Three daughters and two sons were born during 
the residence here: Jane, April 12, 1804; George 
Beach, December 27, 1806; Ann Mehetabel, March 
13, 1809; Sarah, March 27, 181 1 ; and Alfred Henry, 
August 20, 18 13 — nine children in all and more 
still to come. 

William Wheeler, the eldest son, was a boy of 
great promise and determined character, combining 
some of his father's worthiest qualities with many 
that made his mother most lovable. For the latter 
he had ever the tenderest regard. 

Perhaps it was a desire to get away from the rigid 
parental discipline that made William Wheeler, like 
many another boy, determine to leave home and 
go to sea. Perhaps it was only a restless longing 
to see the world of which he had heard so much. 
Stories of the sea, acquaintance with his father's 
skippers, and the sight of ships setting out to distant 
ports, were part of the lad's daily life. Whatever 
the reason, William Wheeler on his return from New 
York one day in September, 18 12, being then seven- 
teen years old, announced that he had engaged to 

[ 35 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New Haven Sail in 3. fcw days as a common sailor on the ship 
Triumph, Captain Coggeshall, bound on a seahng 
voyage to the Pacific. 

His father deemed it wise to give his consent, 
but it was with many misgivings, as war with Eng- 
land had already been declared. Heavy indeed 
must have been the heart of the gentle mother, 
Mehetabel, when she found herself forced, in the 
scant time allowed her, to prepare a hasty wardrobe 
for the sudden and what might be the perilous voy- 
age of her first-born. The restrained concern of the 
parents is evident from the letter which Lockwood 
wrote to the captain. 

New Haven, 28 Sept. 1812. \ 
Capt. Coggeshall. 
Sir, 

My son William has just returned from New York 
and informed me he intends to go to sea with you and 
says the ship is to sail on Sunday next. Without en- 
quiring particulars it would be very satisfactory (as the 
times are so critical) to know from you whether the 
ship goes documented so as to protect her from capture, 
and whether there will be any objection to his putting 
in some little articles which he will take down with 
him, and when he must be down. Please drop me a line 
by mail. 

Yours Respectfully, 
Lockwood de Forest. 

Into his son's keeping the father gave the fol- 
lowing affectionate, if somewhat stilted, letter of 

[36] 



Prosperous Days 

advice and admonition, addressing it to William New Haven 
Wheeler, "On board Ship Triumph. At Sea.'* 

My dear child, 

The tenderness, affection & extreme anxiety we feel 
for you, the thought of your departure for a long, ardu- 
ous & dangerous voyage, makes it my duty to address 
to your most serious consideration, my solemn (per- 
haps last) Parental & most affectionate advice. And 
by all the affection you bear to tender Parents, and 
affectionate Sisters, I beg you when far away to read 
this over, and remember it as the advice of d. father. For- 
get not also the many pious lessons of advice & counsel 
you have so repeatedly had from the lips of a dear & 
tender Mother, & who will not fail to join her prayers 
with mine to the throne of Grace for your preservation 
& safe return to her arms again. 

My Son, you are now entering on the stage of life, at 
an uncommon & early age. You have chosen a profes- 
sion for yourself, which though dangerous, yet opens to 
an industrious & persevering mind, a Noble risk & 
glorious Field, a field in which the brightest talents 
may be richly improved, & the greatest exertions the 
most nobly rewarded. You are then from this moment 
to begin to act for yourself. And first of all others — 
remember your duty to God — fail not at all proper 
times to pray earnestly to him for Mercy & pardoning 
Grace through a blessed redeemer — implore his divine 
assistance to guide you in all things, for his protection 
amidst all dangers, and for his holy spirit to deliver you 
from all sins & every temptation. On no occasion what- 
ever, let his Holy Name be taken in vain by you — but 
remember while yet in your youth your Creator & the 

[ 37] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New Haven God who preserves you — faithfully improve all the 
leisure time you can get, in reading, writing, cyphering, 
or the study of navigation, but especially read your 
Bible. 

Next to your duty to God, follow your duty to your 
Officers & to the Ship — always be the first when called 
on duty, & the last to shrink from it — rush not into 
danger foolishly, but if danger press be firm at your 
post — never for a moment forget the object you have 
before you — consider what hopes & expectations your 
friends have formed of you, be always employed about 
something useful either to yourself or others. Remem- 
ber that all your future prospects in life, your own 
present and future happiness, as well as much of the 
happiness of your Parents & friends, & your own 
honor & character depend altogether upon your own 
conduct & behavior. 

Never let your honor be impaired by the utterance 
of a falsehood — shun as a pestilence habits of black- 
guarding, it is infamous, & would you make yourself 
agreeable to others & happy in yourself, never, I say, 
never allow yourself to get into a passion — regard not 
trifling insults, but treat them with contempt, rather 
suffer wrongs from others than do wrong yourself — 
endeavor to cultivate friendship with all on board — 
better is the friendship of a dog than his ill will — keep 
yourself neat & clean, your clothes all in good order, & 
in their proper place — be prudent & sparing of every- 
thing you have, & preserve & lay up all you can for 
time of need. 

Take proper advice in all cases of any importance, in 
laying out money if any you have, buying or selling 
anything — and improve every opportunity of writing 



[ 38 ] 



Prosperous Days 



home that you may have — And finally my Son, I New Haven 
commend you to that God, who is able to preserve & 
keep you — & with the most fervent prayers for your 
health & safety, for a prosperous voyage & due return, 
I subscribe myself your affectionate 

Father. 

Captain Coggeshall, who was a distinguished 
captain in those days, became very fond of Wheeler, 
as he was usually called, during the long voyage and 
after their return spoke warmly of him to his par- 
ents. He thought that the young sailor even then 
showed great strength of character, and he told the 
following story as an instance. Wheeler had been 
quite seasick during the early part of the voyage, 
but on being told to go to the masthead had gone, 
and was overcome while up there. Captain Cogge- 
shall called, "Wheeler, come down, you are not fit 
to be up there," to which Wheeler answered, "Am 
I not fit to do my duty.?" 

Wheeler lived to gain an enviable position in the 
business world and to become a man of great wealth, 
but how nearly his career was ended during this 
early voyage is related by his younger brother 
Henry, who in his sixty-third year wrote for his 
children and grandchildren some delightful reminis- 
cences, from which we have already quoted a few 
passages. 

When not over twelve [his father's letter proves that 
he was really seventeen] years of age, Wheeler went to 

[ 39 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New Haven sea as a sailor boy on a sealing voyage to the Pacific 
and continued to follow the sea for about two years. I 
think he remained in the same ship but possibly he 
came home during the period and then made a second 
voyage. 

I have heard him recount a narrow escape he had off 
the coast of California. The ship was lying off the 
shore, and a part of the crew had established them- 
selves in huts or tents on a small rocky island watching 
for seals and sea elephants. He had plunged into the 
sea for a bath, and was floating quietly on his back 
when his attention was attracted by the noise of a 
stone falling into the water just behind him. On 
turning over and facing the land, he saw his comrades 
beckoning him back and immediately swam toward the 
shore and into the breakers. The last wave seemed to 
wash him from between the jaws of an immense shark 
(Killer) which had that moment turned over to devour 
him. As he touched the beach, the shark also grounded 
striking against a rock and killing himself. 

At another time, when the ship was going north- 
ward for seals, Captain Coggeshall deemed it wise 
to make a cache of part of the ship's stores. He 
therefore selected a desert island and landed there 
a large quantity of provisions. Of course it was nec- 
essary to have them guarded, and this duty fell to 
young Wheeler, his only companion being a negro. 
All went well for a while, the weather was pleasant, 
and they had plenty to eat, but finally it grew cold 
and they suffered greatly. They had been left, as 
they supposed, for a short time only and had no 

[40] 



Prosperous Days 



extra clothing, no tools or books. The nights were New Haven 
terribly cold and they were both glad enough to 
creep into a single barrel that they might thus try 
to keep each other warm. 

Day followed day and they thought that they had 
been abandoned. Loneliness and the lack of occu- 
pation were very terrible to bear and these became 
worse and worse as time drifted on. Wheeler used 
to tell his family in after years that he sometimes 
became almost light-headed and began to wonder 
whether he ever had had a change of clothes or trod- 
den upon a carpet or enjoyed any of the amenities 
of life. In fact, he began to wonder which things 
were real and which imaginary. It was only after 
three months of this terrible existence, when they 
had abandoned all hope of being rescued, that the 
ship hove in sight. 

Three years after Wheeler's departure — the lad 
having then returned from his sealing voyage — 
Lockwood de Forest decided on his fourth and most 
important change of residence. With his wife and 
nine children he removed in the fall of 1815 to New 
York. 

The residence in New Haven had been endeared 
to him by many pleasant associations and some sad 
ones. His father died, as we know, in 1801, and 
almost immediately thereafter Nehemiah's children 
began to leave the hill country, several of them fol- 
lowing their brother's example and making their 

[41 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New Haven homes in New Haven. As the lives of some of these 
sisters and brothers were much interwoven with 
Lockwood's, we shall here give a few details which 
may be of interest. 

Polly de Forest was the first sister to leave her 
old home and move to New Haven. It will be re- 
called that in 1797 she had married Samuel Moss 
Monson of New Stratford. In 1803, after only six 
years of married life, Polly was left a widow, and 
shortly afterward she came to New Haven. 

Abby de Forest, who had also been married from 
her father's house, probably in 1797, was very happy 
in her choice. Her husband, Legrand M. Lewis, 
lived only a short time, however; in 1808 she also 
became a widow. Immediately after her husband's 
death she too moved to New Haven, where she 
bought a small plot of her brother's land at Wooster 
and Olive Streets and presumably built a little 
house. 

Betsey de Forest never married. After her fa- 
ther's death she went with her stepmother to live 
in Bridgeport, but after her sisters Abby and Polly 
moved to New Haven she joined them there. Abby 
Lewis had been left better off than either of her 
sisters and it is not unlikely that she shared her 
house with them. 

All the sisters came under the spell of Mr. Stu- 
art's eloquence; Polly joined his church in 1807; 
Abby and Betsey, in 1809. Abby was especially 

[42] 



J 



Prosperous Days 



earnest in all her religious duties, and in 1814, when New Haven 
the revival spirit was abroad in the land, she and 
some of her friends, "having heard of the extraor- 
dinary out-pouring of God's spirit in the neighbor- 
ing towns," organized a small society of women, 
twelve in all, to meet weekly and "offer up united 
prayers for the prosperity of Zion here and else- 
where." One of their rules gave them latitude in 
criticizing and reproving each other. Such admoni- 
tions were allowed and indeed encouraged by the 
rules of the Congregational church of the period. 

Abby returned to her old home in New Stratford 
in 1 8 18, her brother Lockwood having left New 
Haven, and Betsey made her home with him after 
he moved to New York. 

De Lauzun de Forest also came to live in New 
Haven, probably preceding his sisters there. On 
April 24, 1808, he too joined Centre Church and in 
the same church was married, a month later, to 
Lydia, daughter of Captain William Brintnall of 
New Haven. This marriage, like those of Abby and 
Polly, was not of long duration, for De Lauzun died 
in New Haven on November 27, 18 15, at about the 
time of his brother's departure for New York. 

It must have been hard for Mehetabel to go so 
far away from her early home. Up to this time she 
had been in the habit of going back to pay her father 
a visit each summer, taking some of the children 

[43 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New Haven with her. We may imagine the fun the youngsters 
had on their grandfather's farm, hunting squirrels 
in summer and gathering chestnuts and walnuts in 
the fall. 

Sometimes Mehetabel's husband went with her 
on these pilgrimages, as they might be called. Dur- 
ing one of them (but this was after the family had 
gone to New York to live — in fact, in 1826) they 
travelled to Newtown, the home of "Sister Sally 
Betsey." While there the de Forests called upon 
"Grandmother Rhoda Sherman," the one who had 
buried four husbands. She was much complimented 
by their attention and told them that she was then 
almost eighty-nine years old.^ 

From Newtown the travellers went to Barn Hill 
to see Mrs. Milton Hawley, "Aunt Hepsy," the aged 
sister of Lockwood's father. She told them all the 
old family traditions and those of Barn Hill as well. 
She also boasted that she had received a visit from 
her great-great-granddaughter a few days before. 
Aunt Hepsy was now ninety-two years of age; but 
if we doubt the accuracy of her account, we must 
turn back to the chapter about her father, Samuel, 
and see what is said there about her wonderful 
memory. 

It was possibly on this journey when Mr. and Mrs. 
de Forest were travelling in a stage-coach that an 
old man with snow-white hair alighted. A fellow- 

^ Grandmother Sherman died only two months later. 

[44] 



Prosperous Days 



passenger remarked, *'A hoary head is a crown of New Haven 
glory," Mrs. de Forest instantly adding, "If it be 
found in the way of righteousness"! 

Her son Wheeler would never be left out of these 
visits, and continued to spend part of each sum- 
mer at the farm even after his grandfather's death 
in 1 87 1, when it was his Aunt Betsey Wheeler whom 
he visited in the old home. He was always fond of 
horses and would ride those belonging to his grand- 
father about the country. 

On one occasion he went from place to place all 
over the state visiting relatives. He travelled part 
of the time on Uncle David's ^ old yellow horse with 
a great travelling valise before him, and afterward 
in a wagon at the rate of twenty-five cents a mile. 
Thus he and a friend arrived at Nathan Wheeler's 
house, where they were, as always, hospitably wel- 
comed and where, as Wheeler said, "Grandfather 
made us both boozy." If we remember Nathan 
Wheeler's barrels of apple brandy in the cellar and 
the toddy glass which held a quart, we can hardly 
be surprised at this result. 

When Wheeler left the old homestead to return 
to the city, he went down over the old Moose Hill 
road "on Grandfather's mare with Jim Judson's 
boy behind" him, but he does not say what then 
became of the big valise. It was on this journey that 
he philosophically and from the depths of his great 

^ David Nichols, who married Mehetabel's sister Sally. 

[4S ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New Haven experience gave the following advice to a friend: 
"It is useless to fret one's gizzard out, we shall all 
live till we die and the better way is to take things 
as they come." 
New York But we have wandered too far from the subject 
of Lockwood de Forest's momentous move to New 
York. This was justified in worldly prosperity; but 
the first years in the city were clouded by an occur- 
rence that touched him very deeply, because it in- 
volved a question of personal honor and religious 
standing, and for many subsequent years occasioned 
a bitter struggle with his former pastor and brethren 
in New Haven. The peaceful current of family and 
personal life was now to be broken, and he was never 
again to enjoy complete freedom from controversy 
and disquiet. I refer to the church trial of which 
mention has already been made and for a proper 
understanding of which we must go into fuller partic- 
ulars of Lockwood de Forest's characteristics than 
we have yet. 

We have already had evidence that with all his 
fine qualities he was an imperious and unyielding 
man, sure of his own decisions and often unable to 
see the other side of a question. After he joined 
Centre Church, he went into church matters in the 
same whole-hearted but dogmatic way. For all that, 
he was amenable to reason, if treated tactfully, as 
we must realize when we read of Mr. Stuart's per- 
suading him that it was a ** crime " for him to play 

[46] 



Prosperous Days 



cards. Many a time a spirit of tolerance and con- New York 
ciliation on both sides would have smoothed things 
over, but it was an age when people thought that 
right was right and wrong was wrong, and that 
there was no intermediate ground. Therefore, when 
two good men differed as to what they considered 
right or wrong, neither wished to yield, because each 
conscientiously felt that his interpretation was just. 
When, however, religious differences could not be set- 
tled between man and man, they had to be brought 
before the congregation. The churches of Connec- 
ticut were principally of the Congregational order; 
the congregation was supreme, and all important 
decisions were made by that body. Unfortunately 
the majority sometimes tyrannized over the minor- 
ity and even over individual members. 

As early as 1708 a Synod or General Council of 
the churches of Connecticut had been held in Say- 
brook and there were formulated the "Saybrook 
Articles of Discipline " (that is, ecclesiastical disci- 
pline), more commonly called the "Saybrook Plat- 
form." Some of the provisions of this Platform read 
as follows: "Admonition is in case of private offences 
to be performed according to Matt. 18: 15, 16, 17, 
and in case of public offences openly before the 
Church as the honor of the Gospel and the nature 
of the scandal shall require ; and if either of the ad- 
monitions take place for the recovery of the fallen 
person, all further proceedings in the way of censure 

[47] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New York are thereon to cease and satisfaction to be declared 
accordingly. 

"When all due means are used according to the 
order of the Gospel, for restoring an offending and 
scandalous member and he notwithstanding re- 
mains impenitent, the censure of Ex-communication 
is to be proceeded unto." 

Even Abby Lewis's "Praying Society" in New 
Haven had the following rule: "That each of us will 
make it an incumbent duty, to watch over one an- 
other in love and reprove and admonish each other 
when we shall say or do any thing inconsistent with 
our profession, and the member transgressing shall 
not be offended to be thus dealt with." 

It was therefore the privilege or rather the duty of 
any of the brethren to offer reproof where he felt 
it was deserved, and the culprit was expected to re- 
ceive the reproof with both humility and gratitude. 
It was also directed that "further proceedings in 
the way of censure" should cease after the "fallen 
person" had been so dealt with, but this provision 
was hardly carried out in the case of Lockwood de 
Forest. 

The effects of the trial or prosecution upon Mr. 
de Forest's subsequent life were of the most un- 
fortunate character. He considered that he had not 
been fairly treated, and it seems quite clear that his 
whole nature became changed and in certain ways 
embittered and hardened by its results. He had 

[48] 



The Church Trial 



been strenuous before and positive ; now he could New York 
hardly brook contradiction of any kind. 

For many years his family dreaded any allusion 
to the prosecution, and both family and church 
would have been unwilling to have any account of 
it written. But all that is now a thing of the past. 
The trial took place a hundred years ago and is now 
a matter of old and most interesting church history. 
Those who had a part in it are all dead, there is 
nothing personal in the account as given now, 
and no one can be hurt by the mention of these 
old difficulties, which were so bitter at the time 
when they occurred. 

The Church Trial 

Lockwood de Forest's first residence in New York 
was not in the city itself but in one of its suburbs, 
called "Greenwich Village." In Greenwich Village 
there was at that time a Dutch Reformed Church, 
under the pastoral care of the Rev. Steven M. 
Rowan ; and as the doctrines of the Congregational 
and Dutch Reformed churches differ only in some 
details of church government, Mr. de Forest de- 
cided to put himself and his family under Mr. 
Rowan's guidance and informed the latter that he, 
Lockwood de Forest, and his wife Mehetabel in- 
tended to join the Greenwich Village Church before 
the next communion season. Mr. de Forest there- 
fore wrote to his former pastor, the Rev. Nathaniel 

[49] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New York W. Taylor, asking for letters of dismissal and rec- 
oniniendation for himself and his wife. 

We must now go back a little in our narrative. 
Captain William Brintnall, a member of the New 
Haven church, was connected by marriage with 
Lockwood de Forest through the union of his 
daughter, Lydia, with Lockwood's younger brother, 
De Lauzun, who had recently died in New Haven 
(November 27, 181 5), leaving a widow and two 
children. About the time Lockwood's request was 
made. Captain Brintnall sent a message to Mr. 
Taylor, saying that he supposed that Mr. de Forest 
would soon be asking for letters to his new church, 
but that there were old affairs of his which had never 
been settled and that he should object to Mr. de 
Forest's having a "recommendation" to another 
church. 

The pastor informed Mr. de Forest of this mes- 
sage, adding, however, that the latter was not bound 
to go to Brother Brintnall, who, if he had com- 
plaints to make, should rather go to Brother de 
Forest and talk them over. Thereupon Mr. de 
Forest begged Mr. Taylor to ask Captain Brintnall 
to let him (de Forest) know what he had against 
him, in order that he (de Forest) might give him 
satisfaction. This was in December, 181 5. 

Captain Brintnall, however, did not let him 
know, and Lockwood de Forest, becoming rather 
bitter against him, wrote from New York accusing 

[50] 



The Church Trial 



him of "unjustifiable conduct" and speaking of the New York 
injury that his family and he might sustain through 
Captain Brintnall's causing them to be "victims 
of censure and ignominy without making his com- 
plaints known to me, asking Satisfaction from me, 
or giving me an opportunity to vindicate myself." 
He also expressed regret at "a Controversy in- 
volving a train of unhappy Family affairs, which 
always degrades one or both parties and in which 
(if profest in) the Cause of Christ is sure to suffer 
reproach." Whether the words "involving a train 
of unhappy Family affairs" were an allusion to 
something that had already taken place between 
the two families or only to the effect such a contro- 
versy would be likely to have in the future, it is 
impossible to say. 

Captain Brintnall still refused to state his accu- 
sations definitely, but told Mr. Taylor he should 
decline to vote for the certificate of recommenda- 
tion. Mr. de Forest, who had already notified his 
new pastor in New York that he and his wife would 
join the church before the next Communion Sab- 
bath, was thus in an extremely uncomfortable posi- 
tion and unable to "remove the Stigma." 

Mr. Taylor now strenuously urged Mr. de Forest 
to come to New Haven and adjust the matter by 
personal interview, adding, " Brother D. S. Gladding 
also has some complaints against you which he 
designs to make to the Standing Committee." To 

[51 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New York this Lockwood answered (on January 26th) that such 
was his "desire to Seperate from the Church and 
Bretheren, so long endeared to me by the tenderest 
ties; in harmony and peace" that he would forth- 
with go to New Haven. This he shortly afterward 
did. 
New Haven On his arrival on January 30th, he went immedi- 
ately to Mr. Gladding, with whom he apparently 
discussed one of the complaints the latter had 
against him; namely, the matter of "criminally 
playing cards in New York." He acknowledged his 
fault and asked Cladding's forgiveness. Although 
the latter did not assert that the act had been 
repeated during the past eight years, he either re- 
quired something further than a private confession 
or found amicable adjustment of the other com- 
plaints impossible; for he thereupon prepared his 
"ist Set of Charges agt. L. De Forest," evidently 
showing his caller what they contained. 

1st. A criminal violation of the 4th Commandment 
in loading a vessel on the Sabbath. 

2nd. A criminal violation of the Sabbath in writing 
letters of business on that day. 

3rd. Presenting a false Manifest of a Vesel's Cargo 
at the custom house & allso in virtually denying the 
obbligation of custom house oaths. 

4th. Criminally playing at cards in New York. ' 

A day or so later Lockwood wrote Mr. Gladding 
a letter answering these charges. 

[52] 



The Church Trial 



New Haven, Feb. 2d, 1816 New Haven 
Sir: 

In answer to the criminal Charges which you have 
prefered against me as a Brother in the Church — I 
answer to the first, that in 1813 I assisted in loading a 
Ship on Satterday night, for which I supposed I had 
justifyable grounds, which I have stated to you al- 
ready & can only say I am sorry they are not Sattis- 
factory to you. The 2d & 3d Charges I deny. 

The 4th charge I confessed, & deeply Sorrowed for, 
eight years ago to My then Pastor, & to all the Breth- 
eren who knew the fact, & was kind enough to call upon 
me, and when now brought up anew by you, I again to 
you alone & in the presence of our Rev. Pastor stated 
the above facts & beged you to forgive it, & altho you 
do not pretend it has ever been repeated by me, yet 
with grief I find you will not forgive the offence. 

Yours in Christ, 

L. De Forest. 

This was certainly a good and reasonable letter, 
but Lockwood, sure that it would avail nothing, and 
goaded into a retaliatory form of self-defense, him- 
self set about preparing a set of charges against 
Gladding and sent them to the Committee. They 
were as follows : — 

1st. That when you, two years ago, charged the 
offences upon me (which you now renew) & heard my 
explanation of them, that you did not then let me know 
you was not Satisfied, & give me Oportunity to Satisfy 
you, or if I would not do that, that you did not then 
take other Bretheren with you & Call upon me, in pur- 
suance of the Gospel Rule. 

[53 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New Haven 2nd. That you have not only (til a recent period) 
neglected this Christian duty toward me as a Brother, 
but that you have recently (when Myself & Family 
were removed without the limits of this Church & I 
with My Wife, were, in pursuance of our duty as 
christians & in obedience to a bye law of the Church 
preparing to disolve our Connection with this, & to put 
ourselves under the Watch & Care of another church) 
instead of calling on me, & in my absence, been to sev- 
eral of our Bretheren, & published these Offences to 
them (& to how many others I know not) to the irrep- 
arable injury of My Christian Character & that too 
(as I have reason to believe) without stating to them 
the reasons I at the time offered you as my justifica- 
tion. 

3rd. That in making your Charges of Criminal 
Offences against me yesterday — You Manifest, not 
the forgiving Charitable temper of the Gospel, in that 
you now persist in charging Me with Criminally Play- 
ing at Cards in N. York altho since my arival here, 
Tuesday, I have to you alone, stated all that then took 
place, between the Pastor & other Bretheren who 
called on me myself, and to you alone & also in the 
presence of our Rev. Pastor, acknowledged that fault 
& with humility & sincerity beged your forgiveness of 
it — altho you do not pretend that for eight years past 
it has ever been repeated in me. This unforgiving tem- 
per I conceive to be at variance with the whole tenor of 
the Gospel & in direct violation of the rule, given us by 
our Blessed Saviour Himself. 

The same day Mr. de Forest also had a meeting 
at Captain Goodrich's house with Mr. Bishop and 

[54] 



The Church Trial 



Mr. Marshall (the Collector and Deputy Collector NewHeaen 
of the Port of New Haven) and Captain Truman, 
regarding their recollections in the matter of the 
"false manifest"; and it became evident that the 
testimony which the two former gentlemen were 
prepared to offer would entirely disprove the state- 
ments in support of Mr. Cladding's charge, to be 
made by Captain Truman. 

Whether Gladding was informed of this confer- 
ence is not known; if so, he either did not consider 
the testimony of Mr. Bishop and Mr. Marshall im- 
portant or else he was from the first determined that 
official action should be taken; for he insisted that 
the whole set of charges should be officially pre- 
sented, and that same evening de Forest appeared, 
with whatever documents he could collect, before 
the "Standing Committee" of five church members. 
He also presented his own set of charges against 
Gladding. 

After taking nearly a week to come to a decision, 
the Committee brought in its reports. With regard 
to de Forest's charges, they said that on the first 
two — namely, that Gladding had not two years ago 
charged the offences upon de Forest and that he had 
published the offences without giving de Forest's 
explanations — Gladding acknowledged guilt ; with 
regard to the third charge — that Gladding had been 
unforgiving about the matters — they saw nothing 
worthy of censure. 

[ 55] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New Haven As to the Hccusations against de Forest, the Com- 
mittee read to him on February 8th the foUov/ing 
report, but did not give him a copy of it. We give 
this document in full, largely because of its historic 
value as presenting a picture, but also because it 
prepares the reader's mind for the discussion of so 
long and dry a question. 

Copy of Report of Committee {on my trial) 

The Crimes Charged against Mr. Deforest are, pre- 
senting a false manifest of a Cargo at the Custom 
house; virtually denying the obligation of Custom 
house oaths, breach of the Sabbath, and playing at 
cards in New York. 

In support of the first charge Capt. Truman is the 
only Witness. He testifies, that the manifest, which he 
says Mr. Deforest made out undervalued the cargo, in 
all other respects it was correct. We do not see any 
criminality in this transaction if all took place just as 
Capt. Truman states it. Two men, both judicious and 
both honest might and not improbably would differ 
in their estimate of the value of a cargo. A valuation 
might indeed be so far from just, as to make it apparent 
that there was either gross negligence or actual dishon- 
esty. We are not informed how great the difference was 
in this case, between Capt. Truman and Mr. Deforest, 
and we cannot presume that it was so great as to shew 
that Mr. Deforest acted dishonestly. Nor can we find 
any motive to dishonesty; nothing could be gained 
or lost by any body by undervalueing this cargo. It 
would be no object to reduce the bond, which was to be 
given, to a smaller sum, unless there was an intention 

[ 56] 



The Church Trial 



to carry the cargo to a Brittish port, by which the New Haven 
panalty would be forfeited. Capt. Truman who was 
the Master of the Vessel, testifies, that there was no 
such intention, and of course it must have been mat- 
ter of entire indifference to Mr. Deforest whether the 
bond were in a greater or less sum. We can therefore 
find no cause to suspect Mr. Deforest of any fraud- 
ulent or dishonest intention in the matter of the mani- 
fest. 

The charge of denying the obligation of Custom 
house oaths is of a most serious character; such oaths 
have the same solemnity, the same obligation, as oaths 
elsewhere. To deny the obligation of oaths is scarcely 
less criminal and evinces scarcely less depravity than 
perjury itself; and the man who does the one cannot 
be expected to stop short of the other, whenever there 
exists a temptation to commit it. Capt. Truman, who 
is the only witness to this Charge and who, in our 
esteem stands far above even the suspicion of false- 
hood or intentional misrepresentation, testifies that in 
March, 1809, at the Custom house in the presence of 
the Collector and Deputy Collector, Mr. Deforest said 
to him that he would not give a straw for a Master of a 
Vessel who would mind a custom house oath. He testi- 
fies that it was audibly spoken, and in consequence of 
his refusing to make oath to the manifest made out by 
Mr. Deforest because the cargo or some part of it was 
undervalued. 

We enter upon the consideration of this part of the 
case with seriousness and anxiety to find the truth, 
which so weighty a matter is calculated to inspire. If 
Capt. Truman could not misremember the words which 
were used, and could not have misunderstood the 



[ 57] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New Haven meaning of what was said we must believe Mr. De- 
forest guilty of the crime laid to his charge. It is no 
reproach to Capt. Truman to suppose that after the 
lapse of nearly seven years he may not remember the 
words used by Mr. Deforest or that he may have mis- 
apprehended his meaning. We believe that one or the 
other or both these things are the fact. There was 
doubtless a difference of opinion between Capt. Tru- 
man and Mr. Deforest respecting the value of the Cargo 
in question as it stood in the manifest. It appears by 
the testimony before us, that no great exactness is 
usually aimed at in valueing cargoes in the manifest. 
The object of this valuation is the information of the 
Government of the United States as to the value of the 
exports of the Country. A valuation sufficiently accu- 
rate for this object is all that is understood to be 
required. In these circumstances it is not an improb- 
able fact that Mr. Deforest thought Capt. Truman 
unnecessarily exact and scrupleous, and was led by this 
exactness and over scrupleousness, as he esteemed it 
to utter expressions concerning this conduct of Capt. 
Truman, which he understood to refer to the solemnity 
of an oath, and which made upon his mind an impres- 
sion that Mr. Deforest had reproached him for his con- 
duct in manifesting a just regard for the obligations 
of an oath. 

Several circumstances concur to convince the mind 
that Mr. Deforest did not use the language imputed to 
him. Although there is reason to fear that many pay 
little or no regard to custom house oaths, yet the in- 
famy which attaches to such as are known to disregard 
them, is so great, that it is in no small degree incredible, 
that one who values a reputation for integrity, should 



[S8 ] 



The Church Trial 



aiïirm, that in his opinion there is no crime in violating New Haven 
them. It is still more extraordinary that Mr. Deforest 
should utter such a sentiment in the custom house 
where he was almost daily doing business as a mer- 
chant, and in the hearing of the Collector and Deputy 
Collector; the language was addressed to Capt. Tru- 
man, a member of the same church, and at the moment 
when he was manifesting his scrupleous regard to 
truth, in that to which he was to make oath, with what 
abhorrence Capt. Truman would regard his conduct he 
would not be ignorant. It is difficult to believe that 
Mr. Deforest, unless under the influence of extreme 
irritation, which does not appear to have been the case 
with him, could have failed to be restrained by these 
considerations, from making the declarations laid to 
his charge. 

We cannot but express our unfeigned regret that the 
investigation of this matter had not been made at an 
earlier period, when the transaction was recent and 
when the truth might have been arrived at with far 
more certainty than it now can. But this is not the sole 
nor the chief cause of regret, that the faults of Christian 
Bretheren should be permitted to remain long unno- 
ticed. In such a case, the transgressor often remains 
impenitent and always liable to be cut off in his sin. 
The Church is reproached, and polluted Christians fail 
to shew their hatred of sin so long as they tolerate 
the practice of it in any other members; and Christ is 
wounded in the house of his friends. 

The breaches of Sabbath charged upon Mr. Deforest 
are writing letters of business, and loading a vessel 
upon that day. With respect to the first of these 
breaches it was testified by Capt. Goodrich and ad- 



[ 59] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New Haven mittcd by Mr. Deforest that he had in one instance 
written a letter of business upon the Sabbath in a case 
of urgent necessity; what that occasion was they were 
neither of them able to recollect. It was also ad- 
mitted by Mr. Deforest that he might have written 
other letters of business upon the Sabbath, but remem- 
bered none. In such cases if they existed there was 
always as he said a necessity which he thought justified 
him in doing it. As there may exist cases of necessity in 
which it is justifiable to write letters of business upon 
the Sabbath, the evidence before us and which we have 
detailed, does not seem to warrant us in saying that the 
instance confessed by Mr. Deforest was of this char- 
acter. The case supposed by Mr. Deforest of news of 
the arrival of a vessel upon which insurance had been 
ordered at a distant place but not made, and to prevent 
the effecting of which a letter must be written upon the 
Sabbath, is not in our view a case of necessity which 
will justify the letter. There would be no actual loss of 
property in this case. As much as would be lost by one 
would be gained by another; that the sum is great 
can make no difference. The admission of the princi- 
ple of the supposed case, would justify all manner of 
trafficking upon the Sabbath which would yield a 
profit to either party concerned in it. It is lawfuU 
to labour upon the Sabbath to save property from 
destruction or unusual damage, and for no other pur- 
pose. 

As to the breach of Sabbath in loading a vessel upon 
that day, it appears that inteligence was received from 
Washington, and believed, on Saturday, that an act 
had passed the house of Representatives, laying an 
embargo which was expected to become a law and 



[60] 



The Church Trial 



reach this place by the Monday following. There were New Haven 
in the hands of Mr. De Forest and his partner, looo or 
1 200 barrels of flour owned in New York. This flour 
had become a little sour and on that account unsaleable 
in the American market. It would continue to become 
worse the longer it was kept should the expected em- 
bargo take place and the flour remain here an almost 
entire loss of it was expected or strongly apprehended. 
Abroad the flour although damaged, would find a mar- 
ket. In these circumstances a shipment of this flour 
was commenced Saturday afternoon, and in this busi- 
ness Mr. Deforest continued engaged till one or two 
oclock in the morning of the Sabbath. The shipment 
of this flour in these circumstances does not appear to 
us to be a work of necessity which it is lawfull to do 
upon the Sabbath and that in doing it Mr. Deforest 
violated the Sabbath, i 

We are unwilling to refrain on this occasion to ex- 
press our regret that any who profess to consider Satur- 
day evening as a part of the Sabbath should customa- 
rily employ any part of that evening in secular business, 
if that evening belongs to the Sabbath it is assumed as 
any other part of the day and can no more be violated 
with impunity. 

The fact and the criminality of playing at Cards in 
New York are confessed by Mr. Deforest. We are of 
opinion that the members of the Church to whom this 
conduct was known were guilty of a neglect of duty in 
permitting it to remain in a state of so much silence till 
this late period. The crime required a publick acknowl- 
edgement from Mr. Deforest. But from the silence of 
his Bretheren he had reason to suppose that no other 
sattisfaction was required than what he had given. 



[6i ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New Haven There is no suspicion that the offence has been re- 
peated. 

Reformation which is a primary object of the disci- 
pHne of the Church seems to have been voluntarily 
accomplished by the offender himself. He has con- 
fessed his fault to his accusor and to us, and expressed 
his sorrow. He signifies his willingness to do the same 
to others who are not already sattisfied. Many years 
have elapsed since this transaction was extensively 
known in the Church, and Mr. Deforest has been 
called to no public account till this time. The honor of 
the Church seems to forbid that an offence which has 
remained so long unnoticed should be called again to 
remembrance. 

In these circumstances it appears to us unreasonable 
to call Mr. Deforest to any further account for this 
offence. We lament that to publish one to another the 
misconduct of our Bretheren has so much prevailed 
and been so long tolerated in this Church. It is an un- 
scriptural practice against the Law of Love and mis- 
chievous to the peace, unity and honor of the Church. 

Of the Charges of presenting a false manifest to the 
Custom house, of virtually denying the obligation of 
Custom house oaths, and of breaking the Sabbath by 
writing letters of business upon that day, we find Mr. 
Deforest not guilty. Respecting the Charge of playing 
at Cards we find that he has made all the sattisfaction 
that can at this late period be required of him. Of 
breaking the Sabbath by loading a vessel on Saturday 
night till one or two oclock in the morning of the Sab- 
bath we find that he is guilty. This offence having 
been committed in the view of the publick requires 
from Mr. Deforest a publick acknowledgement of it 



[62] 



The Church Trial 



and a publick expression of his sorrow for it before New Haven 
the Church of which he is a member. 
New Haven, February 9th, 1816. 

Samuel Darling. 

Dyer White. 

SCOVIL HiNMAN. 

Nathan Whiting. 
Stephen Twining. 

Thus, to summarize briefly the report of the Com- 
mittee, Mr. de Forest was found "not guilty" re- 
specting the false manifest, the Custom House oath, 
and the writing of business letters on the Sabbath. 
Respecting the card - playing, they found that no 
further satisfaction was necessary at this late date. 
With reference to the loading of the vessel on the 
Sabbath they found him guilty and thej^ decided, 
"This offence having been committed in the view 
of the publick requires from Mr. Deforest a publick 
acknowledgement of it and a publick expression of 
his sorrow for it before the Church of which he is 
a member." 

A few facts with regard to "loading a ship on the 
Sabbath" and "playing cards" may not be amiss at 
this point in the narrative. With reference to the 
former charge, the following statements were unchal- 
lenged. Goodrich & De Forest had had in store 
shortly before the breaking out of the War of 18 12 
about twelve hundred barrels of flour belonging to 
a New York house. On a certain Saturday morning 

[63 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New Haven a partner in this house arrived by " express " in New 
Haven, bringing the news that an embargo act had 
passed the lower house of Congress and was expected 
to pass the Senate immediately, so that the news 
would probably reach New Haven by the follow- 
ing Monday. He therefore directed Goodrich & De 
Forest to charter a vessel and get the flour off before 
that time if possible. The members of the firm imme- 
diately secured a Spanish vessel, the only one avail- 
able which was large enough, but it was afternoon 
before the price was arranged and they could begin 
the loading. They employed all the men and carts 
they could get, a sloop, and two or three scows, and 
by about ten o'clock that evening all the barrels were 
removed from the store ; but the laborers were still to 
be paid off, and it was two o'clock on Sunday morn- 
ing before the partners were able to leave for home. 
The flour was at this time a little sour and almost 
unsalable in New Haven, while it could be sold at 
a reduced rate elsewhere. Had the embargo passed 
before the removal of the flour, a total loss would 
probably have ensued. As the embargo did not pass, 
the flour was finally returned to the care of Goodrich 
& De Forest, who made no charge whatever to the 
owners for all their trouble. 

With regard to the charge of "playing cards," the 
facts were that in 1807, nine years before Mr. de 
Forest's prosecution, he and a friend. Captain Gad 
Feck, boarded a packet in New York which was com- 

[64] 



The Church Trial 



manded by a mutual friend, Captain Lines. Finding New Haven 
the company engaged in a game of "Loo" and being 
invited to do so, they joined in the game. Mr. Stuart, 
Lockwood's pastor in New Haven at that time, 
speaking to him about it later, found him at first 
incUned to justify himself, saying that Captain 
Lines, whom he believed to be a very good man, 
often played at "Loo." Later, however, he made 
an ample and, to his pastor, perfectly satisfactory 
confession of his guilt. He also made the same ac- 
knowledgment of guilt and repentance to any who 
charged him with the sin. 

On hearing the Committee's report read, Mr. de 
Forest discovered that it included only part of the 
testimony that had been given at the hearing. To 
this partial inclusion he took vigorous exception and 
the next day wrote a " Protest " about the matter to 
the members of the Committee. Captain Truman's 
testimony was directly contrary to his own remem- 
brance and to the recollections of other witnesses; 
and while the Committee acquitted de Forest, thus 
discrediting Truman's accuracy, they gave much 
space in the report to a vindication of Truman's 
character for integrity. This also was a special 
grievance to Mr. de Forest, as he did not consider 
such a vindication germane to the subject under 
discussion. 

Had he omitted any comment and rested with his 
technical objections to the omission of testimony, 

[65 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New Haven which were evidently within his right, much future 
trouble might have been avoided. But, stung by 
what he considered the flagrant injustice done him 
and doubtless rendered somewhat intolerant by the 
irregular matter included in the report, he went on to 
dictate a policy of procedure, the rebuke of which was 
most likely ill received. Certainly somewhere at this 
point new fuel was added to the flame. 

The pastor now drew up the following " Proposed 
Confession" on the subject of the breach of the Sab- 
bath, which he said would be acceptable to the Com- 
mittee: "With respect to the charge of violating 
the Sabbath in loading a ship I say, that at the time 
of that transaction I was fully satisfied in my own 
conscience that I was doing what was lawful & right 
for me to do at t time & under t circumstances as 
above related and that I have ever since been of t 
same opinion.^ This charge, however, having been 
lately refered to five brethren in whose wisdom & 
piety I have great confidence, & as I formed my 
judgment of the transaction under circumstances 
perhaps not the most favorable to a correct judg- 
ment, I cheerfully acknowledge that I may have 
erred in that opinion and that as the above five 
bretheren are of opinion that I did err, I ought to 
yield my opinion to theirs. So far, therefore, as I 
may have ofi^ended any of my brethren in this trans- 

^ In this quotation "t" of course represents the word 
"the." 



[66] 



The Church Trial 



action or wounded t Cause of Christ by what is New Haven 
deemed a mistaken apprehension of my duty at t 
time, I do before God & this church deeply regret 
that I have done so." 

To this Mr. de Forest answered: "I do not object 
to making the Confession drawn up by Mr. Taylor 
as a Sattisfactory compliance with the decision of 
the Committee on the Subject of Breach of Sabbath 
in loading a Ship under the circumstances, as pro- 
posed by him." 

In the meantime the three accusers had conferred 
and had formulated a set of objections of their own. 
Whether they were dissatisfied with the original re- 
port of the Committee, as lacking in the discipline 
necessary to Mr. de Forest's spiritual welfare, or 
were irritated by the attitude manifested in his pro- 
test and therefore thought the confession drawn up 
by Mr. Taylor too lenient in form, it is impossible 
to state ; but they pressed the matter of a public con- 
fession on the subject of the playing of cards, and 
on February loth proposed through Mr. Taylor and 
Nathan Whiting, the latter a member of the Stand- 
ing Committee, that Mr. de Forest "would consent to 
make a Publick Confession for Playing Cards in New 
York and consent to have the Report of the Com- 
mittee of his late trial lodged in the hands of Mr. 
Taylor and he to have no copy of it, that in that 
case they would consent to accept such Confes- 
sion as Mr. Taylor showed them on the subject of 

[67] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New Haven Loading a ship Saturday night, and bury all differ- 
ences." 

Mr. de Forest now felt that he and his affairs 
would be better off in the hands of the Church. He 
therefore made a counter proposal ; namely, that if 
the Committee would let him have a copy of the 
report, he would be willing to abide by the decision 
of the Church as to whether a confession about play- 
ing cards was necessary or not. The accusers, un- 
doubtedly fearing that he might use it to prolong 
the contention and that the discussions would be 
without end, were not willing that he should have 
this copy; and he naturally refused to accede to the 
humiliating condition of a public confession of play- 
ing cards, as it had not been demanded by the Com- 
mittee, and would not even purchase for him the 
copy of their report, the attainment of which had now 
become the object of many of his proposals. 

As the accusers were not willing to abide by the 
report of the Committee, a church trial, involving 
all the questions at issue, was decided upon. On 
February loth Mr. de Forest received notice from 
the pastor through Mr. Gladding that "a Church 
meeting would be warned from the desk the next 
day" (Sunday), and on Monday he was served with 
copies of the two sets of charges — those made by 
D. S. Gladding and by Captain Brintnall. In ad- 
dition, that same afternoon a church committee 
waited on him and gave him formal notice that 

[68] 




CENTRE CHURCH, NEW HAVEN 
From an engraving by Fenner, Sears & Co. , in Library of Vale University. 



The Church Trial 



charges had been preferred against him and that he New Haven 
was required to come before the Church and answer 
them. Accordingly, that night, February 12th, he 
"appeared before the Church." 

At the beginning of the trial an astonishing dis- 
covery was made. Mr. Cladding's set of charges was 
not to be found, and there was therefore no docu- 
ment of his on which to try the accused. Mr. de 
Forest lent his own copy, which, having been sent to 
him in a personal letter, was aftenA^ard returned to 
him. One cannot help speculating on the prolonged 
contention that might have been avoided and the 
peace to the church and its members that might 
have been preserved had Mr. de Forest's own copy 
been lost likewise. Commenting in 1827 on the 
absence of these charges Lockwood, in a Memorial 
presented by him to the church, said: " No original 
charges from Gladding were then before the Church; 
nor to this day do any charges whatever appear on 
the files of the Church against me." 

The charges of Mr. Gladding were as follows: — 

Charge i. — I think it from three to four years since 
Capt. Daniel Truman told me that, some time previous 
to that time Mr. De Forest wrote a wrong or false 
manifest of a vessel's cargo, at the Custom-house, for 
him to sign. 

2. That on his objecting to it, saying it was wrong 
and he would not make oath to it, he (Mr. De Forest) 
said he would not give a fig or a straw for a master of 
a vessel who cared anything for a custom-house oath, 

[69l 



Lockwood de Forest 



New Haven and that this was spoken in the presence of four 
men. 

3. Another oflFence I would state, is his loading a 
ship on the Sabbath. 

4. He (De Forest) then told me that he had fre- 
quently wrote letters of business on that day. 

5. I think I told him I had heard he had posted 
books on the Sabbath. 

6. He also told Selah Barnes he should think it his 
duty to ride all day on the Sabbath, if he were sure to 
make a thousand dollars by it. 

7. He has also been guilty of playing cards in New 
York. 

Captain Brintnall's charges consist of three, and 
are in the following words : — 

Mr. Lockwood De Forest: — 

As you insist on my charging you in writing, which 
I bring against you before the Church as follows: 

Charge i. — Playing cards in New York. 

2. For having charged me with having, in an un- 
christian manner taken from you your Christian char- 
acter. 

3. For saying that, in certain cases which you men- 
tioned, it would be your duty to steal for your children 
or family. 

Lockwood's former partner. Captain Goodrich, 
appeared in his behalf; otherwise the testimony was 
essentially that already presented to the Committee. 
To use the defendant's own words as given in the 
already mentioned Memorial: "The result of the 

[7°] 



The Church Trial 



trial was, an acquittal on all charges preferred New Haven 
against me. And after my accusers, and the wit- 
nesses against me, had withdrawn, the Church 
unanimously (as I was told) voted me a dismission 
and recommendation." 

The Church did indeed vote that each charge was 
"not substantiated" except in the matter of playing 
cards. Here there was a division of opinion as to 
whether the offence demanded a public confession or 
not. Some believed that so long a time had elapsed 
since the offence had been committed that a pub- 
lic penance was unnecessary, especially as Mr. de 
Forest appeared willing to confess the "crime" to 
any who should give him the opportunity. On the 
other hand, it was thought that as the crime was 
publicly known, no evidence of repentance could be 
furnished without a public confession. The church 
vote on this question was evenly divided — Yeas 14, 
Nays 14. Nevertheless, the Church voted to give 
the certificate of recommendation. 

Early the next morning Mr. de Forest called on 
Mr. Taylor and obtained the certificate, but at noon 
received a letter from him asking for its return, 
the reason given being that Captain Brintnall had 
lodged a "remonstrance" against the action of the 
Church and wished a new meeting called. This was 
the last straw. Sorely tried patience could endure 
no more. Mr. de Forest apparently called on Mr. 
Taylor, accompanied by his friend, Amariah Lucas, 

[7Ï ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New Haven as a witncss, and handed the clergyman the follow- 
ing note : 

Rev. N. Taylor. 
Dear Sir 

I request of you a Copy of the vote of the Church 
on the subject of my own & my Wife's Dismission and 
recommendation passed by the Church. 
Yours affectionately, 

Lockwood De Forest. 

This request Mr. Taylor denied, Mr. Lucas tran- 
scribing the fact as follows : — 

Mr. Taylor refuses to give any Copy of the above 
other than the Certificate of recommendation given 
him and his Wife to another Church. 

Present, Amariah Lucas. 

Lockwood then asked for a copy of the remon- 
strance, which was also refused. This fact, too, was 
faithfully noted down. At this point Mr. Taylor's 
patience ebbed. He was much offended at having 
his words recorded under his very eyes and declared 
that he despised such lawyer-like proceedings. His 
caller, however, persisted, saying that he had too 
often been misrepresented. Thereupon, with the re- 
lationship between the two men thoroughly strained, 
he took his departure. 

He had hardly reached his lodgings before he re- 
ceived another letter from Mr. Taylor, requesting 
the return of the certificate. He stood his ground, 
however, and at 6 p.m. replied that duty to his 

[72] 



The Church Trial 



family required that he should retain the document New Haven 
but that he should make no use of it until this un- 
happy business was settled. At 7 p.m. Mr. Taylor 
wrote that this would be entirely satisfactory. 

Evidently the high-water mark of contention had 
been reached, and during the night a policy of pacifi- 
cation, as swift as it was complete, seems to h'ave 
become acceptable to all. The next morning (Febru- 
ary 14th) Taylor notified de Forest that the remon- 
strance had been withdrawn and that Brintnall 
authorized him to say that nothing but a sense of 
duty had led him to hand it in, that he had no per- 
sonal feeling against de Forest to gratify by this 
transaction, that he had the welfare of the church 
as well as de Forest's own at heart, and that he was 
unwilling on more reflection to hazard the peace of 
the church by any further prosecution of the matter. 

With humility born of experience, de Forest sent 
best wishes to Brintnall for his peace and happiness, 
and added : " So far as I have not by all the means 
in my power strove to prevent the Melancholy con- 
sequences it is my sin, & I beg you & all m.y Chris- 
tian Friends to pardon my neglect." 

Trusting that an end had now come to the whole 
unhappy business, he wrote asking for a short open 
letter to his new pastor explaining the situation, 
adding a pathetic postscript, which cannot surprise 
one, considering all he had been through: "My 
strength is exhausted or would gladly call and see 

[73] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New Haven you." Concerning the termination of this strenuous 
New Haven visit, he says: "Indulging the pleasing 
hope that my sufferings in this distressing affair 
were now at an end, I returned to my anxious and 
distressed family." 

To Lockwood's note Mr. Taylor replied the next 
day, saying that the instrument spoke for itself and 
that any further words would only diminish the 
weight of it. He then added the following letter, 
which we can but consider awful as well as scathing 
and which we quote at length, as we do a later letter, 
because it gives an excellent idea of the morbid and 
almost fanatical religious tenets of the time, as well 
as of the vehement personal exhortations men were 
in those days accustomed to send to each other. 

New Haven, 
Feb. 15th, 1815. 
Mr. Lockwood De Forest. 

Dear Sir: — 

... I sought an opportunity to converse with you 
before you left town. I felt & still feel that I owe you 
a solemn & an important duty. 

Concerning the transaction of loading the ship on the 
sabbath I wish to submit to you three questions; not 
for an answer to be given to me but to your own con- 
science. 

Was you not lead to load that vessel merely from 
the principle of gain.'' Has not this transaction been 
viewed by many of your brethren as a criminal vio- 
lation of the sabbath, and the cause of Christ been 
wounded by \tt Would not the spirit of a disciple of 

[74] 



The Church Trial 



Jesus not only prompt you to consent, but make you New Haven 
anxious to wipe away such reproach at least in the 
manner proposed by Mr. Whiting & myself? 

That the transaction in New York demanded a pub- 
lic confession I have no doubt. My reasons for this 
opinion are the following; i. It was a crime by your 
own acknowledgement. 2. It has long been known 
publicly and been the occasion of reproach on your 
own character, and also on the honor of the Church. 

3. The private confessions, which you have made 
amount to nothing. They do not, they cannot cover the 
wound. In cases like this, a public confession is indis- 
pensable; so much so that no evidence of repentance is 
or can be given of repentance, until such confession 
is made. While this is not done, the very condition 
of forgiveness is not complied with. While there is a 
reluctance to do it, you are not authorised yourself to 
think you have repented of this fault; you have deci- 
sive proof that you love your own reputation better 
than the cause of Christ; while this reluctance is mani- 
fested your brethren have no evidence of your repent- 
ance; and the assertion that the omniscient eye of God 
has never seen a contrite heart in you for this offence, is 
fully warranted. God himself has demanded a public 
confession in such cases as the only satisfactory evi- 
dence of repentance, and therefore no such evidence 
can exist even to your own mind till such a confession 
is made. And let this principle, a principle adopted in 
every evangelical & fruitful Church on earth, I say, let 
this principle be abandoned, and another public con- 
fession can never be required in the Christian Church. 

4. A disinterested & proper regard to your own char- 
acter requires this confession. I know it is thought dis- 



[75] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New Haven graceful, it is viewed as fixing a stigma on the character 
to make such confession. But is it so? Is it disgraceful 
to confess our faults ? Did this ever degrade a Christian 
even in the eye of the world ? Can it be supposed that 
Christ has required that of his followers which is really 
disgraceful? I am aware to have committed the fault 
is disgraceful. And this disgrace will remain upon you 
till it is wiped away by a confession. So far then will 
such a confession be from affixing a blot on your char- 
acter, that no act of your life would afford such decisive 
testimony of your piety, your humility, your likeness to 
Christ, as this act. Not one in the Church nor out of 
the Church but would irresistibly regard it in this man- 
ner. I am persuaded (and I speak with the frankness 
which love to your best good only could inspire) that 
your character will actually suffer in the estimation of 
many of the most worthy members of the church, not 
excepting many of those who voted not to require this 
of you, till such a confession is made. 

5. The church were exactly divided in opinion on 
this question. I do not say that the Church have 
required of you a confession. They have voted }'ou 
a dismassion. Whether consistently or not, I do not 
decide. But where this fact is known it is easy to see 
that the weight of such a certificate must be greatly 
impaired in the opinion of many. But the question 
which I ask here is, how would the full exercise of the 
Christian temper lead you to act? Would it be unlaw- 
ful in such a case to make a confession? Would it not 
show a Christian spirit of conciliation which you can- 
not shew in any other way ? I ask no reply to be made 
to me. I leave you to answer these inquiries to yourself, 
& to God. 



[76] 



The Church Trial 



6. A sin like this, while unrepented of, will forever New Haven 
mar your peace. You will not know what it is to go to 
your God & Saviour with humble confession in prayer, 
& what it is to enjoy the light of his countenance. 
Tho you are a child of God I cannot believe that you 
can enjoy the witness of his spirit. You at best will be 
feeble fluctuating & insufficient to support you under 
the trials of life & in the prospect of death. It is my 
unwavering opinion, that should you enter eternity 
without making this confession, that you will bear that 
sin up to the bar of Christ where it will become a swift 
witness to testify that you have repented of no sin 
whatever. . . . 

And now my dear Brother I entreat [you] to lay these 
things to heart, I enjoin it upon you to keep them 
wholly to yourself. / shall consider it a breach of trust if 
you do not. I have said these things to you, because 
I feel that my Master requires it at my hands. I fear 
you will neglect what I deem your indispensable duty. 
Such neglect I am persuaded will plant your dying pil- 
low with thorns, & if persevered in will be produced on 
the final day, as the ground of evidence of that awful 
declaration of the Judge, I never knew you. But you 
will perhaps ask, is this acting the part of friendship 1 
Yes, if I act the part of a Christian or a minister of 
Christ. I know not how I could act the part of Chris- 
tian friendship & say less than I have said. It has cost 
me an agony to write this. If I lose your friendship, I 
have done what in me lies to prevent the loss of your 
soul. The judgment day will decide whether I have 
treated you kindly or not. Take then I beseech you the 
Gospel of Jesus for your glide. Lay aside every mis- 
taken regard to reputation in this world, and ask only 



[77] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New Haven what is duty. That God will lead you to perform it is 
the sincere prayer of your affectionate friend & brother 
in the Lord. . . . 

N. W. Taylor. 

New York The letter from Lockwood's pastor followed him 
to New York, but, in accordance with Mr. Taylor's 
request, he seems to have spoken of it to no one. 

After returning to New York, he and his wife 
fulfilled their intention of joining Mr. Rowan's 
church ; but even after this had been accomplished, 
Lockwood de Forest found himself unable to refrain 
from brooding over the fact that he was denied 
copies of the church records and over the injus- 
tice, as he thought, of some of the decisions of the 
Church. In April he was once more in New Haven 
and wrote a letter to Mr. Taylor, again asking for 
the desired copies. Mr. Taylor refused on the ground 
that "an improper use might be made of such 
copies." 

In May he wrote again, begging that the records 
be so amended as to read simply, "Guilty or Not 
Guilty" — "Proved or Not Proved," — or else that 
all the testimony be detailed. His former pastor 
in a final refusal said, "I made the record knowing 
I was responsible to God for it. If it be wrong, it 
will be corrected hereafter by that made in heaven," 
and from the depths of his sorely tried patience, 
added, " I will only request you to trouble me with 
as few communications on this subject as may be." 

[78 ] 



The Church Trial 



Thus the matter remained until the following New York 
September, when Mr. de Forest prepared a "Memo- 
rial to the first Church in New Haven." In this 
paper he sent transcripts of all the letters and papers 
in his possession concerning the whole unhappy af- 
fair and asked that copies be sent to him of the vari- 
ous votes, of Captain Brintnall's remonstrance, etc., 
but especially of the record of his trial before the 
church on February 12, 1816. 

He also called the attention of the Church to the 
"rules of discipline" of the Dutch Reformed Church, 
which, he said, that church claimed had been in 
practice in the United States since 1619. In speak- 
ing of church trials the rules said, "The sum of evi- 
dence shall be faithfully minuted. The Sentence 
shall always be entered at large on the record. And 
all the Parties shall immediately be allowed Copies 
of the testimony and Sentence, and of the whole 
proceedings, if they demand the same." 

At the same time he wrote letters to Mr. Taylor 
and to various of his friends among the church mem- 
bers, bespeaking the serious consideration by the 
Church of all the questions treated of in the docu- 
ment. Two church meetings were held on the sub- 
ject and it was finally voted that in all cases of 
church trials "a copy of the record of such trial 
shall, if requested, be given to the person tried." 
Accordingly Mr. de Forest received a copy of the 
church record of his trial, but the other copies, of 

[79] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New York votes, ctc, vvere refused. Meanwhile he had written 
the following letter to his former pastor, Rev. Moses 
Stuart: — 

Oct. 27th, 1816. 
Events have taken place in relation to my having 
played loo at New York in the year 1807 when a mem- 
ber of the Church of which you were Pastor, deeply 
interesting to my own Character, to the cause of truth 
& the honor of religion. The regard due to all these 
considerations impel me to request from you a short 
statement of the Manner in which you discharged your 
duty to me, on that lamented Occasion, the reception 
by me of your kind & brotherly reproof and how the 
Subject was then disposed of. 

The latter sent him a very kindly and considerate 
answer on the subject, saying that he had thought 
at the time that Mr. de Forest's confession of his 
fault and expression of contrition were amply suffi- 
cient. He then proceeded to give him a good deal 
of excellent advice — advice which Lockwood surely 
needed and by which it is to be hoped he profited. 

Andover, Dec. 14, 1816. 
Dear Sir: 

I received your letter to me in N. York at too late an 
hour to answer it there, as I left that place early on 
Monday morning. At New Haven I conversed with 
Mr. Taylor & with some of the Chh. on the subject of 
the letter. I have no doubt, after hearing all that has 
been said on both sides, that there has been some real 
misunderstanding between both parties; on the one 

[80] 



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side, as to the exact state of facts; & on the other, as New York 
to the views & motives of the Chh. 

When the business was first stated to me, my recol- 
lections of it were faint and indistinct, owing to the 
lapse of time, & to the fact that I had supposed the 
matter was entirely at an end. Subsequent conversa- 
tions have revived my recollections, and I will now 
state them so far as I can recal them. 

I remember well, when I first stated to you the busi- 
ness of playing Loo at N. York, that Capt. Brintnall 
was present. It was near his house or shop. When first 
stated, you seem to hesitate whether you had done 
wrong, & alleged that Capt. L. who you believed was 
a very good man, often played at Loo. If I recollect 
well, we parted at that time, without obtaining a sat- 
isfactory answer from you. I knew it was common for 
men to justify things at first, on being charged with 
them, which a little time for reflection would lead them 
to condemn, & presumed this would be the fact with 
you. Thus it proved to be. The next time I saw you, 
you made an ample, & to me a satisfactory confession 
of your fault, & expressed your regret that you should 
have given occasion to the enemies of religion to speak 
evil of it. 

I then told you that you must say to other members 
of the Chh. who were acquainted with the affair, what 
you had said to me; which if you did, I doubted not the 
affair would stop there. I was knowing at the time to 
your having done this to some. I remember Mr. Spring 
in particular. How far you went I know not. I did sup- 
pose at that time, that the whole business had been 
settled in the method proposed. But near the time 
when I left New Haven to come here, Mr. I. At water 



[8i ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New York told me that matter was not yet settled. I made an- 
swer, that I had supposed it to be; & that if it were 
not, it ought to be without delay; that the brethren 
aggrieved ought to go to you & tell you their grievances 
& give you an opportunity to make your confession; 
that you could not tell how extensively the matter was 
known unless they did so; that it was clearly your duty 
to go & make confession where you knew that they 
were acquainted with your fault, & as clear, that those 
who knew it, ought to complain to you. I believe, that 
in this conversation, I made use of the expression, that 
"the brethren of the Chh. who were unsatisfied ought 
to discipline you," by which I meant, & then supposed 
I was understood to mean, that they should go & tell 
you your fault, as prescribed in the gospel, & see 
whether you would give them proper satisfaction. 

This is all I recollect or know of the matter from that 
day to this, except having heard that there was a 
difficulty between you & the Chh. Mr. Taylor, I be- 
lieve, once mentioned it to me. The particulars I never 
knew before lately. 

And now, my dear Sir, without partiality, in review 
of all which I have seen & heard, you will permit me to 
say, that in this affair, I think you are much too warm. 
Your passions seem to be too much enlisted. I know 
that it is delicate; that it cuts deep. But this is no good 
reason for charging your brethren with improper mo- 
tives, & with a design to oppress & degrade you. I have 
not a question, that they have acted conscientiously in 
the matter, though I do believe that they have been 
mistaken in their views of it. I am persuaded that the 
manner in which you have sometimes conversed with 
them, has needlessly provoked them; that you have 



[82]. 



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not exercised that patience, nor at all times that humil- New York 
ity, which would have conciliated & softened. I think, 
unless I am mistaken in you, that you will readily 
acknowledge this. If so, & if it be wrong to have done 
thus, why not say it to them, & then leave it to them to 
express their satisfaction, & to do away your difficulties. 
This is the method of the gospel. Violence, or threats 
are not the proper method. 

You will say that I bear hard upon you here. A 
little time for reflection, however, with prayer & self- 
examination will justify me entirely to your con- 
science, I do not doubt. I do believe, your manner of 
treating the subject has been wanting in softness & 
humility; while I still think, that a demand of a public 
trial, before the Chh. or a renewal of the matter, in the 
shape of direct discipline by the Chh. after so long a 
period, was the result of incorrect views with regard to 
the state of the whole business. If you, indeed, refused 
to give proper satisfaction to any individual, who had 
not been before satisfied, then it might give a different 
face to the thing. But I should think that an individ- 
ual, who had put off requesting satisfaction for so long 
a period, ought to be disciplined for negligence & un- 
faithfulness. No complaint is allowed, in the Presby- 
terian chh. after the fact has been known three years. 
There ought to be some limits for the peace of the 
chh. But this ought not to satisfy the individual who 
has done wrong. He should always make reparation 
quickly, & make it as ample as the wrong is. 

I am satisfied that you will not have peace, until this 
matter is settled. I advise to a settlement without de- 
lay. Do all that your conscience tells you in the hour of 
retirement & self examination, you ought to do; & your 



[83] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New York brethren who have had mistaken views, & been ag- 
grieved, I am sure will be reconciled. If not, let not the 
fault be yours. 

You have liberty to make what use of this letter you 
please, only provided that the whole of it shall go to- 
gether, so that no extracts may seem to say what the 
whole letter does not. 

My apology for not writing sooner was the utter 
impossibility of doing it before on the ground of my 
vocations. I hope most sincerely that this business 
will come to an immediate close. Nothing will now pre- 
vent, but an improper temper on one, or both sides; at 
least, if the statement which I have made is correct, & 
is believed. It is possible that there may be some error 
in it, but it is made conscientiously & according to the 
best of my recollection. 

Wishing you & yours, most sincerely, both temporal 
& eternal blessings, I remain dear Sir, 

Your friend & obedt. Sert. 

Moses Stuart. 

There is no doubt that Lockwood de Forest's 
manner of treating the subject had been "wanting 
in softness and humility," and neither is there any 
doubt that his former pastor was right in saying, 
"I am satisfied that you will not have peace until 
this matter is settled"; but poor Lockwood was so 
thoroughly aroused and indignant that he could 
not make up his mind to settle the matter on the 
terms (unjust as he considered them) demanded by 
his accusers. 

After this there was a lull for a number of years, 

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although the matter rankled continually in Mr. de New York 
Forest's heart, and his desire for justice was not 
appeased, only held in abeyance. In 1827, eleven 
years after the church trial, the Rev. Leonard 
Bacon being then pastor of the First Church, Lock- 
wood felt that this new and unbiassed mind would 
judge the whole matter impartially and that he 
might now succeed in having the much-desired al- 
terations made in the record. He prepared a still 
more elaborate Memorial and sent it to the First 
Church. This is a long and most able document, the 
reasoning very close, and the paper an excellent 
piece of writing. He rehearses the whole subject in 
detail, and, taking up each of the nine charges, dis- 
cusses the testimony produced regarding each one. 
He then proceeds to criticize the record of the case, 
subdividing his criticism into five "Principals" and 
six "Objections," and also pointing out the numer- 
ous places where he does not consider that the con- 
clusions were in accordance with the evidence, and 
asking that even at this late date justice be done 
him by reconsidering the whole matter. 

This Memorial he had printed in pamphlet form 
for distribution among those who might be inter- 
ested, and a copy still exists in the library of the New 
Haven Colony Historical Society. 

The Standing Committee to which the document 
was referred still included three of the five original 
members; it seems rather surprising that during all 

[8s] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New York thcsc years the question should have been contin- 
ually placed in the hands of the same men. The 
report of the Committee was as follows : — 

That they have attended to the matter referred to 
their consideration, & that Mr. De Forest has been 
before them, and was fully heard on his Memorial. 
The Committee think it not expedient, after so many 
years as have elapsed since the proceedings in the case 
of Mr. De Forest to alter the record of those proceed- 
ings, unless some important interest of truth or justice 
manifestly requires it. They submit to the considera- 
tion of the Church whether any such interest exists in 
the case in question. On this point the Committee are 
divided in their opinion. 

Arguments and testimony are no necessary & usu- 
ally no very important part of the record of a case. If 
given briefly, the record is liable to the objection, actu- 
ally made in the Memorial before us, of presenting an 
imperfect view of the case, and of leading to inferences 
which a full and detailed statement would preclude. 
Such a statement would have extended the record, in 
this case, to a very inconvenient length, and imposed 
upon the recorder a labour, which could not be reason- 
ably expected or required of him. The record in ques- 
tion contains a brief and somewhat incomplete state- 
ment of the arguments, and testimony exhibited on the 
trial. If the Church should think proper to alter this 
record, the Committee are unanimous in the opinion 
that the only alteration necessary or proper to be made, 
respects this statement of the arguments & testimony, 
and a vote subsequently passed explanatory of a part of 
the record; and accordingly they recommend that, if 

[86] 



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anything is done, all which follows the words "the year New York 
1809" to the words "with respect to the third charge"; 
all of which follows the words " the crime " to the words 
"after investigating"; all of which follows the words 
"upon them" to the words "the Church voted"; and 
all that follows the words "second charge" to the 
words " church voted " ; & the vote subsequently passed 
by the Church explanatory of the record of part of the 
proceedings, Feb. 12, 18 16, be expunged from the rec- 
ord, and that then be added after the words "to de- 
cide upon them" the words "with respect to the first 
charge." All of which is respectfully submitted. 
Jan. 19, 1827. 

S. Twining. 



N. Whiting. 

ScoviL Hinman. 

A true copy. } ^ „ 

T , V rJLi. Bacon. 

Jan. 26, 1827.) 



Standing Committee. 



The original record of the church trial is now given 
with the addition of the vote taken a year later 
(about January 13, 18 17). The curtailed record is 
also shown and it will thus be seen that the Com- 
mittee followed literally one of Mr. de Forest's sug- 
gestions and answered each of the only three charges 
mentioned, by simply stating, "Proved" or "Not 
Proved." 

Copy of the record made by Mr. Taylor of My trial 
before the Church. 

Feby. 12, 1816. The Church met by motion from 
the Pastor. Complaint was brought against Lockwood 

[ 87] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New York DeForest a member of this Church, ist for having Vir- 
tually denied the Obligation of Custom House Oaths. 
2d for having criminally Violated the Sabbath in load- 
ing a Vessel on that day, & 3d for having played at 
cards at New York in the year 1809. 

With respect to the first Charge it was testified by 
One Witness that Mr. De Forest said at the Custom 
house (when the Witness refused to sign a Manifest of 
a Vessels cargo because he considered it as not contain- 
ing a true & just account of said Cargo) that he would 
not give a fig or a straw, for a man who cared anything 
for a custom house Oath. Others who were present did 
not remember to have heard Mr. DeForest say this. 

In loading the Vessel, Mr. DeForest supposed 
himself justified by the following facts which were 
proved, 

(Viz.) that the flour with which the Vessel was 
loaded, was in a degree sour & not saleable in this 
market, that an embargo law was expected to be in 
operation before the following Monday, that thus the 
exportation of the flour would be impracticable and 
that therefore a great loss would be sustained by keep- 
ing the flour on hand, that the flour belonged to a 
house in New York, and that one of the Owners di- 
rected it to be shipped at that time. 

With respect to the third charge, he acknowledged 
the fact & the crime, and said that he had always done 
so to those bretheren who had ever said any thing to 
him on the Subject & particularly to the former pastor 
of the Church. It was testified by One Witness who 
heard the conversation with the former Pastor, that 
Mr. De Forest made no acknowledgement to him, but 
attempted to justify his conduct and it did not appear 



[88] 



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that he had done so to any one until within a few days New York 
previous to this meeting. After investigating these 
charges the Church proceeded to decide on them. As 
there was but one Witness to support the first charge 
it was said that it could not be considered as proved. 
It was said however that such were the circumstances 
which the Witness related that it was reasonable to 
suppose that he was not mistaken. The Church 
Voted that this charge was not substantiated. 

With respect to the second charge, it was supposed 
by many of the bretheren, that the Act of loading the 
Vessel was completely justified by the circumstances 
and that the Gospel Authorises labour on the Sabbath 
to prevent the loss of property. Others supposed that 
this reason could not justify in this instance; for that 
the labour was not to save property from being provi- 
dentially lost but merely to gain a higher price for the 
flour than would probably otherwise be obtained, and 
that the crime demanded a public confession. The 
Church Voted that this charge was not substantiated. 

The only question concerning the third charge was 
whether the offence demanded a public confession. It 
was thought by some that this ought not to be required 
because so long a time had elapsed since the offence had 
been committed and because Mr. De Forest now ap- 
peared willing to confess the crime to any who should 
give him an opportunity to do so. On the other hand it 
was supposed that as the crime was publicly known, no 
evidence of repentance could be furnished without a 
public confession. On this question, when the vote was 
taken the Church was exactly divided in opinion. 
Yeas 14 Nays 14. 

Mr. De Forest having removed to New York, and 



[ 89] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New York having applied for a certificate of recommendation, 
the Church Voted to grant it and adjourned. 

Nath. W. Taylor, Pastor. 
Attest 

The above is a true copy of the record of the Church. 

N. W. Taylor, Pastor. 

New Haven, Jan. 13th, 1817. 
Mr. De Forest, 

Sir: 

The Church [with] which you was formerly con- 
nected requested me to communicate to you the fol- 
lowing vote passed at their last meeting. 

Voted, that this Church in their record of Feby. 12th, 
1 8 16, mean not to declare that Mr. De Forest was ac- 
quited of the first charge merely on the ground that 
there was only one witness to support it, but that it 
is now their opinion, that many, perhaps most of the 
brethren, while they had perfect confidence in the 
veracity of the witness, supposed that he did not 
rightly apprehend the meaning of Mr. De Forest, and 
that altho Mr. De Forest might have used some such 
expression as the witness stated, yet that he did not 
mean by it to deny the obligation of a custom house 
oath. A true copy. 

N. W. Taylor, Pastor. 

Copy of record as curtailed by vote of January 75, 1827 

As it still appears on the " Minutes oi the Meetings of 

Centre Church." 

February 12, 1816. Complaint was brought against 
Lockwood De Forest a member of this Church: 1st 
of having Virtually denied the obligation of Custom 

[ 90 ] 



The Church Trial 



house Oaths. 2nd for having criminally Violated the New York 
Sabbath in loading a Vessel on that day & 3rd for hav- 
ing played at cards at New York in the year 1809. . . . 

With respect to the third charge, he acknowledged 
the fact and the crime. . . . After investigating these 
charges the Church proceeded to decide upon them. . . . 
[With respect to the first charge] the Church Voted 
that this charge was not substantiated. 

With respect to the second charge . . . the Church 
Voted that this charge was not substantiated. 

The only question concerning the third charge was 
whether the offense demanded a public confession. It 
was thought by some that this ought not to be required 
because so long a time had elapsed since the offence 
had been committed and because Mr. De Forest now 
appeared willing to confess the crime to any who should 
give him the opportunity to do so. On the other hand 
it was supposed that as the crime was publicly known, 
no evidence of repentance could be furnished without a 
public confession. On this question when i vote was 
taken the church was exactly divided in opinion — 
Yeas 14, Nays 14. 

The new pastor immediately forwarded the de- 
cision to Mr. de Forest and also copies of the less 
important records — votes, etc. — for which he had 
asked; but the latter was still unsatisfied. He had 
been tried on nine charges and of them only three 
had been mentioned in the record, while he knew 
that he had in reality been acquitted on all the 
others. He had offered to make the required public 
"Confession" regarding the loading of the vessel 

[91 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New York on Saturday night — the only disciphne assigned 
by the Standing Committee — but had been unable 
to do so owing to the (as he felt) impossible condi- 
tions imposed by his accusers. He had perforce to 
accept the new decision and let the matter rest, 
but it left him an unhappy and embittered man, 
bearing, as he thought, an unmerited stigma which 
he now felt it would be impossible ever to remove. 
He brooded over this injustice continually. 

In 1846, only two years before his death and over 
thirty years after the time of his first trial, he hap- 
pened to meet the Rev. N. W. Taylor on the New 
Haven boat. His former pastor made the first ad- 
vance and they had a long and intimate talk, during 
which neither of them retreated from his former 
position, but in which a feeling of conciliation was 
shown on both sides. Shortly afterward the follow- 
ing letters, which will explain themselves, passed 
between them. 

N.Y., June 12, 1846. 
Rev. Dr. Taylor, 
Dear Sir: 

After the declaration you made to me at our late 
interview, it would seem almost hopeless on my part to 
expect that any good to either of us or to the Cause of 
Christ would be produced by an attempt on either side, 
to reconcile our old dificulties and restore that cordial 
harmony & friendship which once so hapily existed 
between us. As preliminary, however, to such a pos- 
sibility, and on my part to open the door to its ac- 

[9H 



The Church Trial 



complishment, I beg leave to state that I have in your New York 
own hand writing the Confession I was to make in 
compliance with the decission of the Commt., before 
whom I was tried. 

I have also a written statement of yours in which you 
informed me my accusors & a Witness would consent to 
accept the confession which you showed them. 

I have likewise copies of two letters written you on 
the day the above transaction took place, which was 
on the Saturday previous to your notifying the Church 
meeting & bringing me to a second trial before the 
church at large, on the same charges and from the same 
accusors. 

The above letters you have, or (I may say) ought to 
have in your possession, & to them I refer you only 
remarking that the last one was written & sent to you 
on the evening previous to your calling the Church 
meeting as above stated, and at the close of which to 
make it more emphatic & unmistakable on your part I 
added to it the following postscript : " Viz : P.S. : — I do 
not object to making the confession drawn up by Mr. 
Taylor as a full & sattisfactory compliance with the 
decision of the Committee on the subject of a breach of 
Sabbath under the circumstances as proposed by him." 

I forbear any comments or remarks on the above 
mentioned papers & letters, because from the declara- 
tions you made to me at our late interview there may 
be a posibility that the facts now communicated may 
not convince you of the great error under which you 
have so long labored, and I have so long & so painfully 
suffered. 

And if so, allow me to reciprocate (as I know not 
when I may, if ever visit N.H.) the invitation you so 



[93] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New York kindly gave me to call on you when at N. Haven by 
inviting you to visit me for a day or two at my house & 
look for yourself at the papers & letters above refered 
to, with the assurance on my part that you will be 
received and treated with respect & kindness. 

And in the exercise of such a spirit as we ought to 
possess I should hope the feelings of each might be soft- 
ened and results follow which would serve to restore the 
friendship & intercourse which once existed between us. 
Very Resp. Yr. Obt. Sert. 

L. De Forest. 

New Haven, June i6, 1846. 
My Dear Sir: 

Yours of the 12th was duly received; to which an 
earlier answer has been prevented by want of leisure. 
In respect to your proposal to review, to some extent, 
the facts of the case, & in this way, to adjust the diffi- 
culties between us, I entertain the same opinion which 
I expressed to you last Saturday. From such an at- 
tempt, I do not think, that any good would result. It 
can hardly be supposed, that after so long an interval 
has elapsed, we should agree in the facts on which 
an equitable adjustment would depend. For a long 
time, I have very much dropped the subject from my 
thoughts believing it to be hopeless for me to attempt 
to convince you that my views of the case were right, 
and that I had acted from a conscientious regard to 
duty in the whole transaction. With the full convic- 
tion of the justness of my own views & motives, & sup- 
posing as full a conviction of the contrary on your part, 
I was led to suppose that there was no prospect of 
restoring the friendship that once subsisted between 
us. Entertaining however no feelings of personal un- 



[94] 



The Church Trial 



kindness towards you, I had often thought, especially New York 
since the change in the record of the Church, that 
should a favorable opportunity occur for conversation 
with you, and an attempt at reconciliation, I would not 
be backward to improve it, knowing that many things 
are possible, which seem highly improbable. Accord- 
ingly, when I met you in the boat on Saturday, I 
sought the interview, which we had. My design, as I 
then told you, was not to review the facts of the case, 
either wholly or partially. My hope was, that you, who 
felt yourself to be the injured person, might, in the 
present circumstances of the case, and on the assurance 
from me, that I had never acted from any feelings of 
personal unkindness to you, & that I entertained no 
such feelings now, be willing to forget & forgive, to 
overlook what you had deemed errors or unkindness 
on my part, and that thus, a reconciliation between us 
might be effected. This, you will allow me to say, is, 
in my view, the only way in which we can reasonably 
hope to accomplish the object proposed in this world. 
In this way, I sincerely desire that it may be accom- 
plished. As I proposed in our late conversation, so I 
now propose, that knowing our own imperfection & 
liability to err, we overlook, what we deem wrong in 
the past; & let the assurance from each to the other, of 
present good will, & feelings of kindness, be the basis 
of reconciliation & future friendship. 

Should it be in my power at any future time to call 
on you & your family, I shall be happy to do so, as well 
as happy to see you at my house & elsewhere. 
Respectfully your obdt. servt., 

Nath. W. Taylor 

Mr. L. de Forest. 



[95] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New York New York, June 30, 1846. 

Rev. Dr. Taylor, 

Dear Sir: 

Sattisfied that our present correspondence is not 
likely to restore that harmony between us, which I will 
not doubt both desire, it strikes me there is one way, 
which if approved & advocated by you, would I trust 
not only secure that object, but be cheerfully adopted 
by the present Pastor of that Ch. as well as every 
member of it who survives the memory, or took part 
in those transactions, as well as honorable to the 
memory and gratifying to the friends of those who are 
departed. 

And that is to put out of existence all that relates to 
those unhappy transactions, both in regard to ourselves 
& the Church, including all our correspondence, and 
all the documents which I possess (about forty in num- 
ber) in relation to my two trials &c. &c., and all the 
records and documents on file & in possession of the 
Church. 

I cannot believe there is a single member of that Ch. 
living who would not rejoice to adopt this course. Nor 
do I believe there is a single one of our departed breth- 
eren, who would not (if alive) most heartily unite in 
such a measure. The manner in which this may be 
accomplished, both honorably and sumarily by the Ch. 
could readily be arranged & consumated by a simple 
resolution, based if you please on my dismission &c. 
or some other as deemed proper and thus the Seal of 
Oblivion put upon all that has passed between us, and 
on the part of the Church, and a friendly future inter- 
course be re-established between us. All this is in your 
power to accomplish. Will you then unite your efforts 

[96] 



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with mine to accomplish an end so desirable? If so it New York 
will meet my cheerfuU concurence. 
I am 

Very respectfully yours &c., 
L. D. 

New Haven, July 8, 1846. 
My Dear Sir: 

I could not conveniently obtain an interview with 
Mr. Bacon on the subject of your letter until last even- 
ning. I acquainted him with your proposition in regard 
to the record &c. and assured him, that I had no ob- 
jection, that everything on record or on file should be 
wholly obliterated. On the contrary, that I was willing 
to attend a meeting of the Church, and say this to 
them, if that should be deemed expedient or desirable. 
He was entirely ready to take the subject into consid- 
eration; but has not as yet laid it before the Church. 
This is the present state of the matter, which I have 
thought proper to communicate at this time, because 
I thought that you would expect to hear even before 
this, what my views of the subject were. I will, as soon 
as may be, inform you of the doings of the Church. 
Respectfully yours &c., 

Nath. W. Taylor. 

Mr. L. de Forest. 

Lockwood's proposition was probably a wise one, 
for so long as he in his letter to Mr. Taylor could 
still allude to "the great error under which you have 
so long labored" and Mr. Taylor in his reply could 
still speak of his "full conviction of the justness of 
my own views," there was little hope of a complete 

[97] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New York reconciliation between them. We do not know what 
really happened in the matter. The church records 
are silent, and those who could tell us are no longer 
where we can ask them. Perhaps the church mem- 
bers who were in control thought it better to keep 
the church books as they were and not to reopen 
the affair even to the extent of sanctioning a de- 
struction of the records. We shall never know. 

Lockwood de Forest's forty documents are still 
neatly docketed and labelled in his handwriting — 
"Docs, relating to my Prosecution Lock. De For- 
est " — and the church records remain in their cur- 
tailed form as amended in January, 1817. 

Apart from the more apparent interest of the 
record, it is curious to reflect how simple were the 
moral issues which could so agitate a community in 
Lockwood's day. Our own problems of business and 
personal ethics, where they touch upon the questions 
of religious and moral responsibility, have become 
so complex and profound that it amazes us to be 
reminded that the loading of a ship on the Sabbath 
and the playing of a friendly card game were once 
the storm centres of a moral controversy. 

De Forest iff Son Shipping Merchants 

When Lockwood de Forest in the fall of 1815 
moved to New York, the city contained about one 
hundred thousand inhabitants. His first residence 
there, as has been said, was rather far out in the 

[98 ] 



De Forest & Son Shipping Merchants 

country in what was then known as Greenwich Vil- New York 
lage. Here he occupied a house on Milligan Lane. 
Many city streets have been opened in the vicinity 
since that time and Milligan Lane has disappeared ; 
but it ran in a diagonal line southwest from what 
is now the corner of Sixth Avenue and Eleventh 
Street, so that for many years after the new streets 
were laid out, the house stood on a wedge-shaped 
plot of land facing toward the southwestern angle 
of the two streets. 

Greenwich Village was a place with considerable 
individuality. Even after the big city grew out to 
it and surrounded it, the little community held to- 
gether and the young people courted among them- 
selves and intermarried. 

Our interest centres particularly in a courtship 
among the people of whom we have heard so much. 
The first romance in the Lockwood de Forest family 
was between Daniel Lord, Jr., and his sweetheart, 
Susan, Mr. de Forest's second daughter. Young 
Daniel had fallen in love with Susan in New Haven 
when he was a Yale student and she was only four- 
teen years old. After she came to live in Greenwich 
Village he continued to pay her devoted attentions, 
though this was more difficult than in the New 
Haven days; for he now lived with his family at 
"Old Slip" (near Hanover Square and Pearl Street), 
which was very far away. But Love smiles at dif- 
ficulties, as we know, and when Daniel wished to 

[99] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New York Call Oil Susan, he thought nothing of making the 
long trip on horseback. Susan was always in a state 
of great anxiety lest he be attacked by footpads in 
the lanes and dark roads through which he must pass 
on his way home, but he never came to any harm, 
and the love affair prospered. 

In the fall of 1816 Lockwood took another house, 
No. 7 Roosevelt Street, near Chatham Square, and 
moved "in town" early in October. At about the 
same time he sent his son George, then ten years old, 
to board with Mr. Samuel Rowland, one of Lock- 
wood's former neighbors at Fairfield, and the latter 
was told to "keep a stern hand with him, and let 
him know his place." An instructor was to be pro- 
vided and George was to pursue the ordinary studies 
for boys of his age, but it was not thought that his 
former taste for study warranted a "liberal educa- 
tion." Such an education was an expensive luxury 
for a man in Mr. de Forest's circumstances, espe- 
cially as there were now ten children to be provided 
for. Wheeler had gone to sea when he was only 
seventeen years old and had got on very well with- 
out much learning — in fact, he had become a well- 
informed and well-read man through his own exer- 
tions — so why could not the second son, when his 
father had so many other uses for his money, do 
as well? 

George had been at Fairfield scarcely a month 
when he wrote to his father that his money was all 

[ 100 ] 



De Forest & Son Shipping Merchants 

gone ! The latter answered that he was very sorry, New York 
" but it cant be helpt now — it is gone ! I can send 
you no more ! " By way of emphasizing the lesson, 
he added, "Now you cant pay for postages [at that 
time not prepaid] and so none of us can write you, 
only once in a great while." He also begged his 
ten-year-old son to "be above childish play" and 
to become an eminent scholar. "You are now out of 
reach of that daily admonition, you used to receive 
from your tender Mother, dont forget it therefore." 
George never did forget it and was ever a most 
thoughtful and devoted son. 

In return for Mr. Rowland's care of George, Mr. 
de Forest promised to look after Mr. Rowland's son, 
Henry, and his studies in New York. It is hardly 
likely, though, that he was able with his large family 
to take Henry into his own home. 

Shortly after the move to Roosevelt Street in 
1816, little Alfred, the youngest of the family and 
at that time only three years old, sickened and died. 
This was the first break in the family circle and it was 
a great sorrow to the child's brothers and sisters, 
as well as to the parents. The baby died on New 
Year's Eve, and Susan and Eliza went out in the 
yard afterward and walked in the moonlight talk- 
ing of their little brother. Eliza was fifteen years 
old at that time, but when, as an old lady of seventy- 
six, she was looking at the Christmas moon with one 
of her brothers, she told him of this incident, and 

[ ,01 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New York added that she never saw the moon at that time 
of year but that she " half wondered whether it was 
the same moon she had then looked upon." 

The following August another baby boy made 
his appearance — Frederick Lockwood, ist — but he 
stayed with his parents only about a year. These 
two little boys were the only children whom Me- 
hetabel and Lockwood de Forest ever lost. All the 
rest of their fourteen children lived to maturity 
and all married except their eldest son, Wheeler. 

The first wedding in the family took place on 
September 25, 1817, when Mary, the eldest daugh- 
ter, was married to Roger Sherman Skinner of New 
Haven, grandson of Roger Sherman, the signer of 
the Declaration of Independence, and the young 
people went to live in New Haven with Mr. Skin- 
ner's parents. This match was considered a very 
brilliant one for Mary. 

Only eight months later, on May 16, 18 18, Susan 
was married to Daniel Lord, Jr. One of her daugh- 
ters gives an amusing account of the circumstances 
connected with this wedding. 

Within a week of the time set for Susan de Forest's 
marriage, some friend made a personal remark at which 
Susan took great offence. She insisted that she would 
not ask the offender to the wedding, declaring, " I won't, 
I won't invite her!" Now the lady in question was 
closely connected with the family, so that it was impos- 
sible to invite even a few friends without inviting her. 

[ 102 ] 



De Forest 8c Son Shipping Merchants 

Daniel Lord came to talk it over with the irate young New York 
girl, but, making no impression, finally asked, "Will 
you leave it to your mother and me to decide?" She 
acquiesced. He then went to Susan's mother and after 
discussion they decided that the wedding should take 
place that evening — a Saturday — and that only the 
immediate members of the family should be present. 

When Daniel proposed it to Susan, she said, "Why, 
I can't be married — I have no wedding dress!" He 
retorted, "Is not any dress in which you are married 
your wedding dress.'"' So she consented to wear an 
ordinary white dress. 

Mr. Lord then went to Wheeler de Forest and said, 
" I want you to go for Dr. Spring, Susan and I are going 
to be married to-night!" Wheeler exclaimed, "Why, 
it is raining great guns," but the bridegroom, nothing 
daunted, answered, "I don't expect to be married out- 
of-doors." 

Mrs. de Forest wanted to give the young couple the 
room which Aunt Betsey was then occupying, and said, 
"Betsey, get your room ready — Susan is going to be 
married to-night." Aunt Betsey commenced to cry. 
"Stop your crying and get your room ready," said her 
sister-in-law. 

So Daniel and Susan were married that night and 
attended the Brick Church the next day, where no one 
knew that they were man and wife, and on Monday 
they started on their honeymoon. Later they came 
back and were given a fine reception, at which the bride 
wore a beautiful wedding dress. 

The New York Directory, published in July, 1817, 
shows that the family were then living at 150 Cherry 

[ 103 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New York Street, but in June, 1818, we find that they had 

again moved and were located at 30 Oliver Street. 

In this house Mr. de Forest's youngest daughter, 

Louisa, was born on August 20, 18 18. 

Only two years later another move, still in the 

same neighborhood, was made, to 82 Frankfort 

Street. In this house the family lived for four years 

and while there little Louisa, then two years old, 

nearly lost her life in the garden of her mother's 

house. Her father immediately wrote to tell George 

about it. 

July 14, 1820. 
Dear George — 

Your dear little sister Louisa is spared, & is now well 
— yet yesterday morning she was for near half an hour 
supposed to be beyond the hope of being restored to 
life. 

Your Mama was with her in the chamber, & all at 
once missed her, went down & could not find her in the 
lower rooms — saw the cistern open & looking down 
saw her floating on the water — an alarm was given & 
a young man was let down by the hands of others & 
caught her by the feet & brought her out apparently 
dead. But after the usual applications for a few min- 
utes signs of life appeared, and through the mercy of 
God she was restored and is now as well as ever. 

I trust dear George your heart will unite with ours, 
in deep felt gratitude to God for his sparing mercy, so 
signally manifested toward your little sister. . . . 

You know our Cistern holds 30 Hhd. & it had 
nearly 8 feet water in it. When caught she was 2 or 3 
feet under water. 



[ 104 ] 



De Forest & Son Shipping Merchants 

Not many days after this, on August 3, 1820, an- New York 
other son, Henry Grant, was born. This youngster 
came into the world with two nephews — sons of 
Mrs. Skinner and Mrs. Lord — already there to 
greet him. He was born about two years after 
"Aunt Betsey" came to live with her brother Lock- 
wood, and the new baby became her special pet. 

Aunt Betsey was then about thirty-three years 
old. It was the custom of the day for girls who had 
not married and who needed a home to be taken into 
that of some relative, where they made themselves 
useful in the household in return for their board. 
Sometimes they became mere drudges. This was not 
the case, however, with Betsey, whose home life was 
of the happiest and who was much beloved by her 
brother's children, although much tormented by 
them as well. Her nephew Henry wrote many years 
later the following description of her: — 

She was "Aunt Betsey" to all of us children and was 
devotedly attached to me, read to me before I could 
read myself, then taught me verses from hymns and 
from the Bible & was never tired of doing her best for 
me. Very different she was in her way of looking at 
things from my mother. Aunt Betsey was very con- 
scientious and very devout, but the way of duty was 
not for her a joyous way. She would have suspected 
herself of being out of the way, if she had found much 
joy in it. I sat next to her on Sundays in Dr. Spring's 
church, & the tears were often in her eyes. I think her 
conceptions of God must have been principally those 

[ -OS] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New York representing Him as a sin-hating God, without suffi- 
ciently emphasizing His infinite loving-ness. 

She was very helpful in the household, and though 
I and the younger children constantly fretted and re- 
belled against her attempts to restrain us, we realize 
now how kind and selfless she was. My father had 
given her a home from my earliest memory. . . . 

I never knew my mother say an unkind word to 
Aunt Betsey. 

One of Aunt Betsey's nieces gave a rather humor- 
ous account of her personal appearance : " She was 
a very tall, straight, prim-looking woman with dark 
snapping eyes and dark hair, and with it all a fly- 
away look. She wore a cap with strings which were 
always flying out behind." Some of her nieces 
thought her "crazy looking" but they all loved her. 

Two other children followed Henry — James 
Goodrich (October 3, 1822), named for Mr. de 
Forest's faithful partner, and Frederick Lockwood, 
2nd (December 2, 1825). This trio of little boys — 
"Henry, Jim, and Fred" — were the youngest 
members of this large family. When Mehetabel de 
Forest's youngest child, Fred, was born, her eldest 
one, Wheeler, was thirty-one years old! This is a 
somewhat remarkable record, though such families 
were not unusual in those early days, notwithstand- 
ing the trials and privations and iTinumerable duties 
of the New England housewife of the time, who was 
frequently left w ithout help except such as might be 
rendered by some relative residing in the family — 

[ i°6] 



De Forest & Son Shipping Merchants 

as, for instance, the devoted and invaluable "Sister New York 
Betsey." 

As was quite natural, Mr. de Forest chose unpre- 
tentious localities for his residence during the early 
part of his stay in New York, but as he prospered in 
business, he decided to move to a more fashionable 
neighborhood. He selected Greenwich Street, one of 
the most desirable streets in the city, as it led to the 
Battery, then the park where the fashionable world 
met to promenade and enjoy the sea breezes and 
the view of the harbor. He moved in 1823 to No. 
1 10 Greenwich Street and lived there for two years. 
From 1825 until 1830 he was at No. 90 Greenwich 
Street, and from then until the time when he left 
New York, in 1833, he was at No. 62 on the same 
street. 

His son Henry in the "Narrative" already men- 
tioned writes of these Greenwich Street days with a 
very tender and loving touch, and his account is of 
such interest — giving, as it does, not only a picture 
of the home life but of the times as well — that full 
extracts from it will now be given. 

A three story brick house with slate roof and dormer 
windows on the East side of Greenwich St. N. Y. City 
between Rector and Carolina Street known as No. 1 10 
in the year 1824 or perhaps a few months earlier. This 
is my earliest recollection of my home. The house No. 
1 10 Greenwich St. was exchanged a year or two later 
for No. 90, nearer the Battery, and after a few years 

[ 107 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New York there we removed to No. 62, still nearer the Battery 
remaining in that house till 1834 or thereabouts when 
my father retired from business ajid went to Bridge- 
port. 

The most memorable room in the two earlier homes 
was the nursery. It was on the 2nd floor front in both 
No. 1 10 and No. 90, the outlook on Greenwich Street, 
very attractive to us children — my sister Louise, 
brother James & myself. But the interior was the great 
delight. The open fireplace, the brass andirons, the 
wood fire, and our dear Mother's presence above every- 
thing else made this the adytum of the Home. She was 
the priestess but there were no mysteries and no con- 
cealments. We had the usual number of servants for 
such an establishment at that period, but our mother 
attended to many details of the household herself. I 
remember well that she herself kept the outer corners 
of the fire place neatly painted a pure red. I have often 
seen her doing it with a small paint brush, the red paint 
being supplied from a small earthen mug. . . . 

When my parents removed to New York they joined 
the "Brick" Presbyterian Church.-^ It was so called 
because of the material used in its construction. It 
stood at the South westerly end of the triangular plot 
of land enclosed by Beekman St. Park Row and Nassau 
St. The brick church was on the front next Beekman 
Street. There was a "Session Room" on the Easterly 
front, built of wood, painted white — a very simple 
inexpensive structure. The spaces around the church 
were in grass & trees and the enclosure was in use as 
a grave yard like that of Old Trinity. Rev. Gardiner 

^ Their earliest church membership had been, as we have 
just heard, with Mr. Rowan's church in Greenwich Village. 



[ 108] 




THE " BRICK CHURCH," NEW YORK, FROM THE CORNER OF 

NASSAU STREET AND PARK ROW, 1 820 

From a water-color drawing by Archibald Robertson in the New York Historical Societj' 



De Forest & Son Shipping Merchants 

Spring D.D. was the pastor of the Church and con- New York 
tinued so until his death. . . . 

The so called "catechisms" were held regularly on 
Wednesday afternoons at the Session Room. This was 
before Sunday Schools had become general. The cat- 
echising of the children by the minister, brought him 
in close acquaintance with them. It is a pity that there 
has been a change in this respect. It was also the con- 
stant practice of my father every Sunday to hear us 
children recite the Westminster catechism. My sister 
Louise, & my brother James & Fred & I continued to 
do this until we had grown up. . . } 

In order to get from my home in Greenwich St. to 
the Brick Church session room, I had to walk up Rec- 
tor St. to Broadway, then through Broadway to Park 
Row, and through Park Row to Beekman Street. On 
Sundays while service was going on in Trinity Church, 
a chain was suspended across Rector St. and another 
across Broadway near the head of Wall Street to pre- 
vent the passage of vehicles and the consequent dis- 
turbance of the worship. . . . 

There were city pumps at various corners with long 
heavy iron handles worn bright by constant use. I 
remember one in particular at the corner of Broadway 
and Park Row just opposite St. Paul's church. I was 
told that when St. Paul's statue then & still on the ped- 
iment of the Church heard the clock strike twelve at 
midnight it came down and took a drink from that 

^ As an instance of the father's interest in the develop- 
ment of his children, Henry mentions finding after his 
father's death, treasured among the latter's papers, the 
certificate which Dr. Spring had given to Henry when he 
was seven years old for correctly repeating the Shorter 
Catechism. 

[ 109 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New York pump. I then believed that the statue did hear the 
clock strike, and of course believed all the rest. 

I was also told that the Theatre we passed on the 
way to the Church (The Park Theatre) was the 
" Devil's House " and I used to shy off to the curb when 
walking by, for fear of being drawn in. I once entered 
the Park Theatre about the year 1844 to hear Mac- 
ready play Hamlet. This was shortly before it was 
taken down, and about the same time the old Brick 
Church was removed to 5 th Ave. corner of 37th St. and 
the old grave yard and the old Session room disap- 
peared. 

I shall never forget the impressions I received from 
Dr. Spring's preaching during my childhood. He was a 
man of fine presence & of real dignity. His voice was 
musical and tender. He was an intimate friend of my 
father, and I saw him often at our house. ... I see the 
interior of the old church as it then existed before me 
now; the straight backed pews, painted white, the pul- 
pit standing on slight fluted Corinthian columns, with 
benches under it, and over it high up on the ceiling a 
medallion with this inscription "Holiness to the Lord." 
This medallion is the only memento of the old church 
which has been retained in the later edifice. . . . 

Dr. Spring was a strict Calvinist in his theology. All 
the Presbyterian divines of that period were. He was 
universally respected throughout the city. When the 
Cholera visited N.Y. about the year 1839 he was one 
of the few ministers who remained at his post and all 
sects recognized this adherence to his duty. 

While young children were being added to the 
household of Lockwood and Mehetabel, the elder 

[ iio] 



fi.yii^'imfXÊaiÊtn^.ri^viB-is- ■ ' . ywtt9K\ 




ST. Paul's church and the broadway stages, 1831 

From Valentine's Manual, 1861 



De Forest & Son Shipping Merchants 

daughters, as has already been shown, were leaving New York 
it and going to homes of their own. Eliza was mar- 
ried on December 22, 1823, to Samuel Downer; Jane, 
on March 23, 1826, to Burr Wakeman; Sarah, on 
September 28, 1830, to Walter Edwards; and Ann 
Mehetabel on October 27, 1830, to Simeon Baldwin. 
One cannot help wondering why the last two sisters, 
who were married just one month apart, did not 
choose rather to have a double wedding. 

When Lockwood de Forest in 1815 made his great 
venture and transferred his large family to New 
York, Wheeler was twenty-one years old. He had 
already had considerable shipping experience. In 
18 17 his father took him into partnership under the 
firm name of L. & W. W. De Forest. The next year . 
the name was changed to De Forest & Son and so 
continued until 1836. 

At first they rented a store on the East River 
front, 85 South Street, but in 1820 the firm had had 
sufficient success to warrant establishing themselves 
on a permanent basis. They then bought a store, 
No. 82 South Street, in the very midst of the ship- 
ping district. In fact, the accompanying illustration 
shows No. 75 South Street on the comer of Maiden 
Lane, and only a few doors above was the store of 
De Forest & Son. These premises remained in the 
possession of the family until 1900, when they were 
sold by the heirs of Lockwood de Forest's three 
younger sons. 

[Ill] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New York Nine years after they moved into 82 South Street 
the building was burned down, but was immediately 
rebuilt, though the new store was not so large as the 
old one. The insurance companies refused on tech- 
nical grounds to pay the loss on the goods in the 
store, which were mainly consigned property. Mr. 
de Forest brought suit against them and in this crisis 
found his legal experience, acquired in the law courts 
of Connecticut while deputy sheriff there, of the 
greatest value to him. The case was decided against 
the companies and the plaintiff felt the keenest satis- 
faction in the result, independently of the pecuniary 
interest he had in it. 

Lockwood de Forest was now prosperous in his 
business and had become "notable among the New 
York importers and shippers of the early half of the 
century." He was also in his own way a loving 
father, at all times vitally interested in the welfare of 
his children, especially in their religious welfare. He 
prayed for them, exhorted them, and had them con- 
tinually in his mind. He frequently urged one or an- 
other of them to use his or her influence for the good 
of the others. But he held them with a stern hand 
and thought it right so to do. His children feared 
rather than loved him when they were young, but 
they appreciated his fine qualities more as they grew 
older and were able to look behind the sometimes 
harsh exterior. 
His association in partnership with his eldest son 




SOUTH STREET FROM MAIDEN LANE, 1 828. PAINTED AND 
ENGRAVED BY WILLIAM I. BENNETT 

From Valentine's Manual, 1854 



De Forest & Son Shipping Merchants 

Wheeler in a business which was honorable and prof- New York 
itable to both men should have brought him unal- 
loyed satisfaction. But we have seen how strenuous 
and insistent this unhappy man could be, even when 
to others the subject at issue might appear trivial, 
and these traits were now to aggravate a contro- 
versy in which Lockwood and Wheeler de Forest 
became entangled and to render it fairly tragic. It is 
probable that this affair would never have become so 
grave had Mr. de Forest been less agitated and over- 
wrought by the church trial in which he had suffered 
so keenly ; but in any case the cause of the trouble 
seems entirely out of proportion to its effect. It all 
grew out of a difference of opinion as to the method 
of keeping the firm's books. We must remember that 
while Mr. de Forest could be so positive and per- 
sistent as to make it impossible to continue business 
relations with him, yet Wheeler was impulsive, as 
was natural in a young man, rather quick-tempered, 
and had somewhat the same insistent traits as his 
father. 

The story of this unfortunate affair is as follows : 
In the early winter of 1833 Mr. de Forest became 
convinced that the methods of bookkeeping em- 
ployed by De Forest & Son were not good — 
"wrong," as he emphatically put it. He accused no 
one of fraud, nor did he, in fact, consider himself 
defrauded ; he simply did not like the methods em- 
ployed. He spent much time in studying the ac- 

[ '13] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Nm York counts and arguing with his son or the bookkeeper on 
the subject, without convincing either of them that 
he was right. He then appealed to various corre- 
spondents of the house, including their agent abroad, 
but none of these could see anything out of the 
way. Such was also the judgment of two gentlemen, 
friends of the family, who were appointed referees, 
Mr. de Forest agreeing to consider their decision 
"final and conclusive." 

A lawyer selected by him was then asked to give a 
legal opinion "to advise and instruct the referees." 
His decision was also adverse to Mr. de Forest, who 
therefore expressed a wish to go over the accounts 
with him and explain his objections. This the lawyer 
wisely declined to do, giving as a reason his fear of 
injuring Mr. de Forest's health, which made the lat- 
ter promptly retort, "I employed you as legal coun- 
sel, and not as physician ; nor do I want your advice 
as such." 

This legal opinion left Mr. de Forest still unsatis- 
fied. He felt that he could not go back on his word 
and continue the controversy on his own account, 
but he considered himself justified in taking up the 
cudgels on behalf of some of the customers of the 
firm, although the customers themselves were per- 
fectly satisfied. Such a course was certainly unfair 
and was not in accordance with the spirit of his 
agreement with the referees. It was the only act in 
the whole unhappy business in which Mr. de Forest 

[ "4] 



J 



De Forest & Son Shipping Merchants 

could be regarded as taking an unfair advantage, but New York 
he was now in a very overwrought mental condition 
and entirely unreasonable. One of his relatives, 
seeing the havoc the controversy was making, felt 
warranted in writing: "You make it the demon of 
the day and the vision of the night. You allow it to 
destroy your peace of mind ; to inspire you with dis- 
trust of your son and best friends ; to break up your 
family." 

But such admonitions did not deter Lockwood de 
Forest from continuing the bitter contention. It had 
grown to be an obsession with him and he had to 
defend his position. He therefore had a book or 
pamphlet printed, "fifty six pages with a voluminous 
appendix," setting forth the whole subject, includ- 
ing the correspondence. This pamphlet he had dis- 
tributed broadcast, with the sole effect of extending 
the knowledge of the quarrel. 

Wheeler now made overtures to buy his father's 
interest, but it was evidently impossible to agree on 
terms which would be satisfactory to both of them. 
The controversy dragged its weary length for a year 
and a half, until the distracted merchant became 
thoroughly exhausted. "I was at length prostrated 
on a bed of sickness," he wrote later, "my constitu- 
tion shattered — my whole nervous system agitated 
and deranged, and my heart broken within me." 
His wife was also ill from the worry and all the 
family were in a nervous and exhausted condition. 



Lockwood de Forest 



New York At this time various members of Mr. de Forest's 
family were living in Bridgeport, and in the summer 
of 1833 his children persuaded him to go there and 
live, for a while at any rate, hoping that the compan- 
ionship of these relatives and the change of scene 
might work a cure. This he did, but he still brooded, 
not only over the bookkeeping, but also over what 
he considered his son's undutiful conduct. 

Unfortunately, at this time his son-in-law, Daniel 
Lord, Jr., was also brought into the controversy. 
Mr. de Forest had always respected young Mr. 
Lord's opinions and judgment, and Lockwood's 
gentle wife hoped that a statement from Mr. Lord 
as to how far Wheeler had acted upon his advice 
would tend to soften Mr. de Forest's condemnation 
of his son. But, alas, Mr. de Forest's wrath simply 
turned upon his son-in-law, and another sad and 
futile controversy was begun. Since this led no- 
where, we might well pass over it in silence, except 
for the fact that Mr. de Forest again had recourse 
to his habit of appealing to an "Enlightened pub- 
lic" and printed the entire correspondence! Such an 
act was unquestionably due to his extreme mental 
excitement. Mr. Lord's letters had been patient 
and friendly in tone, but Lockwood de Forest could 
not brook the assumption that any one, and espe- 
cially a younger man, was wiser than he or should 
presume to criticize him or differ from him. 
It was indeed high time that Mr. de Forest should 

[ i'6] 



Family Ties 

be persuaded to leave the strenuous life of New New York 
York and settle in a place where there was less to 
agitate him. 

Family Ties 

Probably no course could have been wiser than Bridgeport 
the one taken in persuading Mr. de Forest to move 
to Bridgeport with his family in the summer of 
1833. As has been said, he had several relatives 
residing there at this time from whom he had long 
been separated and whom he enjoyed being near 
once more. His brother William, two years his 
senior, made his home in Bridgeport with his sec- 
ond wife (Widow Lucretia Canfield) and his chil- 
dren. Abby Lewis, Lockwood's eldest sister, was 
there to welcome him. Lockwood's half-brother, 
Charles,^ was also living there with his wife. When, 
therefore, Lockwood and his sister Betsey joined 
the family group, there were five of Nehemiah de 
Forest's children again dwelling in one town. 

Upon Lockwood's arrival, he went to board with 
his nephew Isaac, his brother William's son, but 
finding his stay in Bridgeport agreeable, he decided 
to adopt that city as his residence, for the time being 
at any rate. He therefore secured a house on Main 
Street near Fairfield Avenue, just at the foot of 
Golden Hill, and had it put in good order through- 

^ Eleanor Hickock, Charles's mother, had died in Bridge- 
port in 1825. 

[ "7] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Bridgeport out. On May I, 1834, he sent his coachman to New 
York to bring up his furniture. 

There was no longer necessity for so large a house 
as the family had formerly occupied, for they were 
now very few in number. All the daughters were 
married except Louisa ; Wheeler and George were in 
New York, while Henry and James were at board- 
ing-school in the same place. Thus the only children 
at home were Louisa and Fred. 

Of course Aunt Betsey must not be left out of the 
family list. She was indeed happy in the new home; 
for she had a lovely garden in the rear of the house 
— a garden where she could raise the flowers that 
she loved and vegetables as well, especially if the 
children would help her with the weeding. 

The family lived with a certain amount of style 
in Bridgeport. Mr. de Forest, who was exceedingly 
fond of driving, had a coachman and a pair of 
horses, "Peacock and Pedlar" — at that time the 
only turnout of such magnificence in the place. This 
pair he liked to drive about the country, making 
long excursions and going frequently to Fairfield, 
where his daughter Mary (Mrs. Skinner) was then 
living. When he was not using Peacock and Pedlar 
himself, his daughter Louisa took pleasure in driv- 
ing them harnessed to a gig; she would sometimes 
return from Fairfield with the gig packed full of 
her sister Mary's children, all brought to pay their 
grandparents a little visit. 

[ iï8] 



Family Ties 

The father loved to have his children and his Bridgeport 
children's children with him and frequently wrote 
letters somewhat like the following: "We should be 
pleased to see any of the Family here — we have a 
first rate Cook & everything of the best. Tell them 
to come along." The mother, as well, was never 
better pleased than when there was not a nook or a 
corner of the house unoccupied, and it must indeed 
have been elastic to have contained the people that 
were sometimes packed into it. As an illustration, 
we quote from Mr. de Forest's reply to a letter from 
Henry, then at Amherst College : — 

April 26, 1838. We should on almost any occasion 
be happy to see a friend with you — and will not ob- 
ject now but on the contrary say to you to bring him 
if you think best. Yet as we are likely to be well 
stocked with company, I think it is proper you should 
know how we are likely to be circumstanced — that 
you may know how to judge for yourself. To begin 
then Sarah (unwell) and her child & nurse will be here 
for a Mo. or more. Yourself, James & Fred (both latter 
home now) Mr. Downer & Eliza are coming in a few 
days, soon as he is able to stand the passage and we 
expected Ann & child also in the course of the next 
month, but nevertheless your Mother says "let him 
come. We can do well enough for a few days. . . . We 
shall do what we can to make it pleasant for him if he 
comes." 

For the Thanksgiving dinner especially, Mr. de 
Forest delighted in gathering the family together 

[ i'9] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Bridgeport and yct was himself rather silent at such times; he 
never laughed, and the dinners would have been 
serious or even solemn affairs had it not been for the 
sweetness and graciousness of his wife. She called 
him "Mr. D." and would have thought it disrespect- 
ful to use any more familiar name. She loved and 
admired her husband greatly, but she had to make a 
constant effort to soften down his harshness ; in fact, 
she was the family peacemaker. 

Mr. de Forest was now fifty-eight years old, a 
tall, strikingly handsome man, wearing, as was cus- 
tomary, a high stock, which served to emphasize his 
stately appearance. We have said that he was a 
stern man but, as is often the case with such char- 
acters, there went with this sternness an amount 
of energy which many of his descendants have in- 
herited and for which they probably have him to 
thank. 

In his new home, with its simple country life, he 
could, if anywhere, forget his worriments and allow 
himself to be drawn into new and less strenuous 
interests. These could not, however, make him for- 
get the two little boys in New York. They were at 
a boarding school, at the "Washington Institute," 
which was far away from the town in the open 
country at Thirteenth Street near Third Avenue. 
They had already been there for a couple of years 
and had acquired a first-rate grounding in English, 
though they received very slight instruction in 

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^ I 



Family Ties 

Latin and none in Greek. In the fall of 1833 the Bridgeport 
father wrote to these children, then thirteen and 
eleven years of age, a letter which can truly be 
described as "awful," although it was the kind of 
letter deemed necessary, according to the spirit 
of that day, for the salvation of their souls. 

Dear Henry & James 

Separated as we are from you . . . Your dear 
Mother & I do not forget you. . . . We often call to 
mind the happy seasons when you all sat around us on 
the Evening of the Blessed Sabbath, & rehearsed the 
truths of God's Holy Word from the summary of it, in 
the Catechism. And we hope & pray that you neither 
now, or ever will hereafter, forget or neglect, a single 
one of all those great truths. . . , 

Is it your desire to be usefull to your fellow men and 
to the Church of God in the World. Your only hope 
of being so. Depends on your cordial acceptance and 
belief of these great truths. He that believeth shall be 
saved, and he that believeth not — shall be damned. 
This is the voice of Eternal truth ! God hath declared 
it. There is no getting away from it. . . . Oh what is it 
to be Damned ! It is not only to lose the society of God 
& Christ, of angels & Glorified Spirits — of those of our 
dear relatives & friends with whom we once lived & once 
so tenderly loved on Earth, & now are among the blood 
bought throng around the throne of God the Lamb. 

But O dreadful! thought! It is to dwell in Eternal 
burnings, & forever to mingle in the Society of Devils & 
Damned Spirits, where is nothing but ceaseless weep- 
ing & wailing & gnashing of teeth!! — 

And would you, my dear children, avoid this dread- 

[ Ï2I ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Bridgeport ful doom. Then " Remember your Creator in the days 
of your Youth." "Seek first'''' — (before any thing & 
every thing else) "the Kingdom of God and his Right- 
eousness, & all things else" (which shall be best for 
you) "shall be added unto you" — ^^ Now is the ac- 
cepted time." "'Now is the day of Salvation." Not 
to-morrow — Tomorrow may be too late. Youth is 
the time to seek the Lord. . . . 
Believe us Affectionately 

Your Father & Mother. 

(Henry) Perhaps James cant read this so well — you 
will therefore read it to him. 

One can imagine the nightmares which the poor 
little fellows had after reading this terrible epistle 
— and yet the father wrote it in kindness and, as 
he thought, for their good. 

In the spring of 1834 the boys went to spend the 
vacation with their parents and did not return to the 
Washington Institute. In fact, Henry now began 
to make his meagre preparations for college under 
a tutor in Bridgeport. Up to this time the father 
had not felt that he could afford to send his sons to 
college; but he now had more wealth, Henry was 
eager for knowledge, and it had been decided to 
allow him this privilege. 

The choice of a college was an important matter. 
Theology was one of the most serious factors in this 
decision. In Henry's note-book he writes regarding 
his father's convictions on this subject: "My father's 

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Family Ties 

mind was active, logical and discriminating; he Bridgeport 
never hesitated or doubted about the Calvinistic 
doctrines. He read theological books and was ready 
to controvert all comers who opposed the theology 
he adhered to." 

Henry and his nephew, Daniel D. Lord, were 
anxious to go to Yale, but the theology taught there 
was, in Mr. de Forest's opinion, "heterodox." 
Amherst was favorably considered; but Mr. de 
Forest hesitated a long time because Professor 
Hitchcock had adopted the theory, then not uni- 
versal, of long geological periods prior to the crea- 
tion of man, and it was generally thought at that 
time that this theory was incompatible with the 
account in Genesis. 

Finally the vote was cast for Amherst, and Henry, 
after a year of preparation, was able to pass his 
examinations in July, 1835, shortly before the com- 
pletion of his fifteenth year. During this year of 
serious study his brother Wheeler was exceedingly 
kind and sympathetic. He himself had always felt 
the lack of a good education. Henry at one time 
said regarding him : — 

He never had the opportunity of being long at school, 
but somehow, & in some way, he gained as good an 
acquaintance with his own language as many Hberally 
educated men possess. 

When I graduated from College in my twentieth 
year, he was about forty-seven years old. He was even 

[ 123 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Bridgeport then reading carefully books on the grammar & philos- 
ophy of the language. He had a well-chosen library & 
for many years was attended for an hour or two daily 
by an educated gentleman who read aloud to him stand- 
ard books, & discussed their topics. This was during 
a period when he was suffering from weakness of the 
eyes, & when he was engaged in very active business. 

It was always a relief to Wheeler to turn from 
his business to thoughts of the little circle at home 
and to imagine them happily and usefully employed. 
He was very anxious to be of assistance to his 
younger brother and wrote long, encouraging letters 
to him, giving good advice but not giving it in a way 
that made it hard of acceptance. He wrote Henry: 

You should not let Aunt Betsey have it to say, that 
you should have no garden if it was not for her, because 
you ought to help her, & consider it not a labour, but 
a privilege. . . . 

If you would rise early in the morning, & help Aunt 
Betsey, it would not only keep the weeds from growing 
in the garden, but from growing somewhere else . . . 
for the only way to keep weeds down is never to let 
them go to seed, and you should recollect that the first 
garden we read of was planted by the Almighty, & the 
first created being upon earth before sin came into the 
world was put there to dress & keep it; it is therefore an 
honorable as well as a healthy & useful occupation. . . . 

I wish you would take a little more pains not only 
with your writing, but in the subject of your letters, 
and before you begin, think over what you have to say, 
& then they will be much more interesting, and instead 

[ 124 ] 



Family Ties 

of confining yourself to how hard the Horse trots, and Bridgeport 
the Beans, beets & corn in the Garden, that you would 
go a little further, & tell me what advancement you are 
making in your studies, & then I should know how you 
are preparing yourself for future usefulness, & that you 
would be a credit & comfort hereafter to all connected 
with you. 

You cannot, my dear boy, estimate too highly your 
present advantages, or pay too great attention to your 
studies . . . for, as poor Richard says, — "Rust con- 
sumes faster than labor wears, while the used key is 
always bright." I wish you to be always using your 
key to the Treasury of Knowledge. 

Always your affectionate Brother, 

W. W. DE Forest. 

When October, 1835, came around, the whole 
family was in a twitter of excitement, for was not 
Henry starting for Amherst to be a Freshman — 
and no member of the family had ever been a Fresh- 
man ! Many were the preparations, and yet some 
things were forgotten. After he had gone, Louisa 
wrote to him that his mother very much regretted 
that he had not taken his old frock coat with him, 
as it would have been most useful and convenient 
when he was chopping wood. A week later the 
old frock coat and other omitted articles were for- 
warded by a friend. How we wish we might have 
seen Henry chopping his firewood in that frock coat 
or "surtout," as he calls it in another place! 
i With the frock coat went a letter of good advice 

[ 125 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Bridgeport from his father, who begged him to choose a room- 
mate of good habits and piety, who, as he said, 
would "unite with you in daily Prayer together in 
your roomy He also bade him " associate with none 
but the pious" if he would keep "uncontaminated." 
What father would in these days venture to give 
this advice to a son at college or expect him to 
carry it out ! 

When the time for the New Year (not Christmas) 
vacation drew near, Henry, who had been at Am- 
herst only two months, asked permission to go home. 
His father's answer was: "The ensuing vacation is 
so short, the distance so far, the weather and travel- 
ing so uncertain and Spring vacation so soon coming 
round that although we should all be very happy to 
see you yet it seems quite unwise if not childish to 
come on that occasion. . . . The extra expense would 
go a good way towards buying you a watch if you 
should by your proficiency and good Conduct be 
worthy of one next Spring." 

Although the refusal was somewhat softened by 
the suggestion of a watch, Henry was bitterly dis- 
appointed and wrote another pleading letter; but 
his father, who was probably longing to see his boy, 
felt, nevertheless, the importance of inculcating a 
lesson on "reason and sound judgment." He there- 
fore replied: "I am far from upbraiding you for 
your endearing thoughts of home, of Parents, 
Brothers & Sisters. I am glad to know you profess 

[ '26 ] 



Family Ties 

these tender and kindly feelings. We all possess the Bridgeport 
same towards you, and often think and talk about 
you, and often I trust remember you at the throne 
of Grace. . . . Yet under all circumstances, we still 
consider it unwise and imprudent for you to think 
of coming home this short vacation, and hope you 
will on reflection allow your better judgement and 
manly fortitude to bring you cheerfully to the same 
conclusion." 

Sarah Edwards, then visiting her mother, added 
her word, saying that there were very many things 
which appeared desirable and yet on the whole 
were not best for one and that the family hoped 
that Henry's judgment would govern his feelings. 
"Mother," she added, "wishes very much she could 
send you a box of cake." She then asked if there 
were any New York boy returning to Amherst after 
vacation, and strangely enough, it was by the hand 
of Benjamin L. Swan, from whom so much has been 
quoted in the earlier chapters of this book, that she 
sent a big box of cake and goodies to her younger 
brother. Wheeler also sent a pair of skates, with the 
remark, " If you are already supplied you can sell 
them & slide with the proceeds." 

Before January was over Henry's father had oc- 
casion to write to him that the family were all grati- 
fied that he had had good sense and firmness enough 
to overcome his homesickness, not because the feel- 
ing itself was discreditable or unnatural but that it 

[ 127 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Bridgeport was useful in all cases so to discipline the mind as 
to be able to do what is right, reasonable, and proper, 
rather than to be governed by mere feeling or in- 
clination. 

He then alluded to the interest which his son had 
shown in phrenology, which he termed "utter fool- 
ishness," and urged on him rather the hope that the 
lectures on temperance, especially as to the use of 
tobacco, would have a prohibitory influence on him 
as long as he lived. Whether this was the reason or 
not, Henry certainly never used tobacco and was 
always moderate in his use of wine. 

Meanwhile a very disastrous event took place in 
New York, "The Great Fire of 1835." All of Mr. 
de Forest's sons and sons-in-law lost heavily except 
Wheeler, Mr. Baldwin, and Mr. Edwards, and even 
these gentlemen suffered indirectly by failures which 
the fire occasioned. Some of the sons were entirely 
burned out, losing their buildings, furniture, and 
goods — a serious matter for young men with fami- 
lies depending upon them. 

In the fall of 1835 Mr. de Forest had an interest- 
ing visitor. Captain Abel de Forest. He was a first 
cousin of Lockwood and was one of the "Four 
brothers of Revolutionary fame," Samuel, Abel, 
Mills, and Gideon, who had just been holding at 
Edmeston, New York, where Gideon's home then 
was, the reunion of which mention has already been 
made. Captain Abel was on his way home with his 

[ Ï28 ] 



Family Ties 

daughter and called to see his kinsman in Bridge- Bridgeport 
port. Seeing this seventy - four - year - old veteran 
must have carried Lockwood's thoughts back to 
his own boyhood and the days of war time in his 
father's inn at New Stratford. 

Many things occupied his attention during the 
winter of 1836. New York still had claims upon 
him, as is shown in his appointment by the Chamber 
of Commerce as a member of the Committee of 
Fifteen which was to arrange for a celebration in 
connection with the opening of the Erie Canal. 
Another transportation problem nearer home in- 
terested him even more vitally. There began to be 
a great deal of talk about building a railroad from 
Bridgeport up the valley of the Housatonic and he 
was very enthusiastic over the idea and did what 
he could to encourage it. In fact, he threw himself 
heart and soul into the project, becoming more 
earnest over it than was advantageous for him or 
agreeable for his family. 

Public affairs had, however, to be relegated to the 
background before long because so many interest- 
ing domestic ones came to the fore. It was during 
this winter that one of Lockwood de Forest's sons 
wrote to tell his parents that he had decided to join 
the church. Nothing could have given them greater 
joy. This act on his son's part was as balm to the 
father's troubled spirit. Lockwood hastened to 
write: "Your thrice welcome letter . . . was reed. 

[ 129 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Bridgeport last evening, and its contents filled all our hearts, 
with joy and gratitude to God ... he has . . . 
'snatched you as a brand from the burning' when 
according to your own present view, you had nearly 
reached the precipice, whence so many plunged into 
the gulph of 'fiery billows' which roll below. Your 
dear Mother, Aunt and the boys were present, when 
I opened your letter & read it. We were all deeply 
affected, and most of us wept for joy, that another 
of our dear children had a hope that he had chosen 
the God of our Fathers for his portion — had cast 
himself, into the arms of his precious Redeemer, to 
be kept by Him, through Sanctification of the Spirit, 
and belief of the truth, into Eternal redemption." 

Later he added: "Think of your Brothers and 
Sisters that are still out of the Ark of Safety and 
exposed to death, and everlasting seperation from 
all holy beings, in the world of misery and wo ! Oh ! 
pray for them ... let them know that you feel a deep 
interest for their eternal welfare — and write them 
as often as you can." 

Another event excited great family interest. 
Mary Skinner, who had for some time been living 
in a rented house in Fairfield, was eager to secure 
a permanent home there, near her parents. Her 
father now found a very good house on Fairfield 
Green — the Green he knew so well — which he 
bought for her in May, 1836. 

Now that Mary Vv^as really established on the old 

[ 130 ] 



Family Ties 

Green, her father thought that it should be beauti- Bridgeport 
fied ; he therefore sent to a nursery back in the coun- 
try at Redding and had a fine lot of young trees 
brought down and planted around this historic spot. 
Of course the Skinners, young and old, were intensely 
interested in the growth of these trees ; but alas, a 
couple of years later Grandfather de Forest came 
to call and announced that the trees needed pruning 
and, feeling that the person who had paid for the 
trees could do as he pleased with them, proceeded 
to prune them mercilessly while the Skinner family, 
dissolved in tears, watched the heart-breaking pro- 
ceeding from their front windows. The beautiful 
trees still on Fairfield Green are undoubtedly the 
better now for this vigorous early trimming. 

The frequent visits between parents and children 
now became even more frequent. Mrs. Skinner was 
very hospitably inclined and her house was always 
full, her brother Wheeler among others usually pass- 
ing part of each summer with her. Like a good old- 
fashioned New England housekeeper, she made her 
own bread and cake, and when her sisters and their 
families visited her, she often used up a barrel of 
flour in two weeks ! 

George, Mary's second brother, could not come 
to visit her. He had remained unmarried all these 
years, but now he wrote to tell his family that he 
was engaged to Miss Margaret de Forest, a distant 
relative. The family were all delighted except little 

[ '31 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Bridgeport Fred, who sententiously gave as his opinion, "Them 
that marry do well but those that do not do better." 
Fred, it should be remarked, continued to "do 
better" until he had reached the age of forty-one, 
when he concluded that just to "do well" was on 
the whole the more satisfactory plan. 

Another great pleasure came to Lockwood de 
Forest at just about this time, probably as great 
a one as could have been given to him. His son 
Wheeler made overtures looking toward a recon- 
ciliation with his father. The latter had evidently 
longed for it and yet had been so long immovable 
that it still seemed impossible for him to yield any- 
thing. Wheeler wrote on March 20, 1836: — 

Dear Father 

... I understand from Mary that you are disposed 
to sell your interest in our Concern & that you will not 
be in any degree satisfied with any other arrangement. 
I had long since resolved that I never would purchase 
your interest in this way, or in any other way except 
by an equal division, but under all circumstances the 
mode you propose may lead to a more amicable adjust- 
ment, than the one I have already advised through my 
Uncle, viz. to take my own name after the 1st of May. 

I am willing to make the attempt provided you will 
make the terms & price so that I can accomplish them. 
To enable you to form a correct estimate as to our 
affairs I shall be most happy to see you here & to give 
you every satisfaction as to the state of the Concern, or 
if you prefer it, I will transmit our balance sheet to- 
gether with a list of assets. I must remark here that it 

[ 132 ] 



Family Ties 



will be quite impossible for me to comply with your Bridgeport 
former conditions viz. to give my own Bond (with a 
satisfactory surety) that I would pay all the debts of 
the Concern etc. etc. and that I should give satisfac- 
tory endorsed Notes for the Amt. of your interest. I 
am willing to give my own Bond that I will pay the 
debts etc. & I will endeavour to arrange satisfactorily 
for any sum which we may agree upon for your interest 
in all the concerns & all the property & Debts of the 
three concerns. 

I make these preliminary explanations to avoid de- 
lays hereafter, it would be far more agreeable to me, 
that we should share the responsibilities of outstanding 
notes & debts equally & I feel very unwilling to take 
the whole responsibility but as I have before remarked 
I am willing to make sacrifices if we can only adjust our 
difficulties & at least live in comparative peace. It is 
very easy to see that I could give more for your inter- 
ests if the responsibilities were shared than I could do 
when obliged to guarantee your proportion, as it is 
quite clear that you are more responsible & will be if 
our concern is dissolved in any other way. 

You will please say whether I may expect you here 
or whether I shall send you the papers, in the hope that 
you will receive this communication, in the same spirit 
which has dictated it, I am, Yr Son 

Wm. W. De Forest. 

The matter simmered until the foUowing July, 
when Wheeler made a visit to his father in Bridge- 
port, during which they presumably talked over a 
possible settlement. Then Mr. de Forest and his 
devoted wife undertook a trip to New York, the 

[ 133 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Bridgeport first, apparently, that they had made since they left 
there about three years before. While there the fa- 
ther went to the store in South Street every day, 
and he and Wheeler took long drives together. The 
parents met all their married children and their 
grandchildren and the time passed most pleasantly. 
On July 23 rd — about three years after the quarrel 
began — Lockwood de Forest wrote to Henry that 
he and Wheeler had closed up all their partnership 
affairs and that Wheeler would conduct the business 
thereafter on his own account. Imagine the tears 
and the heartfelt thanks which Lockwood and 
Mehetabel offered up now that the nightmare was 
ended and the "delusion" over! 

One of their daughters, too, made a touching allu- 
sion to the long, sad struggle in a letter she wrote 
many years later to her brother Henry: "You ask 
me if I am at times conscious of an undue mental 
excitement, my thoughts resting upon one subject. 
I have been in that condition — and think I can in 
a measure realize how great a trial and discipline 
our dear Father passed through. His release from 
the delusion seems to me now a sensible manifesta- 
tion of God's love to him and us — and it would be 
interesting to know in what way the Spirit led and 
guided his mind into a state of submissive peace- 
fulness.'* 

Wheeler was perhaps happier than any one else ; 
he immediately resumed in the family home his 

[ 134 ] 



Family Ties 

wonted place as eldest and much beloved son. His Bridgeport 
younger brother Henry has written an appreciation 
of Wheeler which is very interesting and touching 
and might be included in this place : — 

My brother Wheeler had blue eyes like our father's, 
a thin beard & became bald at forty. He was rather 
under the average size, but not a small man & up to the 
age of seventy was very active on his feet. The early 
sea life which he had experienced contributed greatly 
to invigorate his constitution. He had remarkable 
nervous power, was perfectly fearless of personal dan- 
ger, always too ready for an encounter when attacked 
or threatened, & I never heard of his coming off second 
best! . . . 

Wheeler was not a member of any church. . . . But 
I feel confident that he was a sincere believer. . . . His 
faults were those of an impulsive nature. He regretted 
them & strove to square his life by Christian rules. He 
was upright as he was enterprising, & always main- 
tained the reputation of an honorable merchant. He 
was beloved by his inferiors, & no one would more 
readily stand up for the weak & defenceless than he. 
He had our mother's intuitive insight, & rarely made a 
mistake in his judgment of men. ... I do not recollect 
a single instance where he erred in his estimate. He was 
very quick to resent an injury, but eminently forgiving, 
& revenge was no part of his nature. If he felt that he 
had injured anyone, he could not rest till he had made 
it right by explanation or apology. . . . 

Daniel Lord, as well as Wheeler, was now rein- 
stated in Mr. de Forest's good graces and wrote to 

[ «35 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Bridgeport another member of the family: "I made a visit to 
Bridgeport and had quite a pleasant time. Your 
father & I most fortunately agreed on every matter 
which we happened to talk about.'* 

So peace reigned once more in the family. 

Brother William and Sister Betsey, as well as all 
the sons and daughters, rejoiced over the termina- 
tion of the quarrel. Sister Betsey had been left at 
Bridgeport to look after the house and the younger 
children during the absence of the parents in New 
York. When Betsey was thus left alone her sister 
Abby — "Aunt Lewis" — usually came to keep her 
company and help her in the household. 

A few further words regarding this gentle Aunt 
Lewis may not be uninteresting. She was, as we 
know, four years older than her brother Lockwood. 
She was considered a sort of saint by some of the 
younger generation. After Mrs. Skinner and her 
family went to live in Fairfield, Aunt Lewis for a 
long time made her home with them. She had rather 
weak eyes and the children had to read aloud to her, 
which they considered somewhat of a penance, espe- 
cially as they were always expected to read seri- 
ous or even "pious" books. It was the especial 
duty of Mrs. Skinner's daughter Mary to read the 
" Missionary Herald " to Aunt Lewis, and the latter 
never allowed her to skip a single word, not even an 
advertisement. Little Mary would read on and on 
till she thought she should go crazy. 

[ 136 ] 



Family Ties 

As the children grew older, they became inter- Bridgeport 
ested in reading novels to each other, among others, 
"The Last Days of Pompeii/* Aunt Lewis happened 
to come into the room while this was going on and 
became much absorbed. After dinner was the time 
for her nap, but just as the reading was resumed, 
in came Aunt Lewis, saying, to the great amuse- 
ment of the girls, "I must hear how she gets out 
of his clutches"! 

She loved to tell the children stories of her girl- 
hood, of the old times in New Stratford, when all 
the girls that were "of any account " made their own 
sheets and other household linen and had it ready 
and marked before they were eighteen years old in 
anticipation of getting married. When asked if she 
also had done this, she always replied emphatically, 
"Yes, indeed I did, and so did my sisters." 

When in 1845 Mrs. Skinner left Fairfield and 
moved to New Haven, Aunt Lewis went to live in 
Bridgeport with her half-brother, Charles, and his 
second wife, and was with them for the last years of 
her life. She died in Bridgeport in 1857, aged eighty- 
seven years. 

Aunt Lewis was certainly peculiar. Among other 
things, she always disliked the music of the piano, 
and when it interrupted her devotions she said that 
she had rather hear thunder. She was very partic- 
ular, also, about her bed and bedding and could 
never endure springs or modern bedsteads, but until 

[ 137 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Bridgeport the time of her death used her old low-post, corded 
bedstead with its straw bed, feather bed, valance, 
plaid homespun blankets, and the linen sheets of her 
girlhood. 

At the time of her death she left thirty pairs 
of these precious sheets (all marked with tiny red 
cross-stitch letters, half with "A" for Abby and 
half with "P" for Polly) to the sister-in-law with 
whom she then lived, and at the same time left to 
her dear sister Betsey her treasured "fashionable" 
silver teaspoons and her six "old fashioned, coffin 
shaped" ones. 

Both Aunt Lewis and Aunt Betsey could always 
be counted on to help in the de Forest household, 
and their services were greatly needed in October, 
1836, when their brother Lockwood's youngest 
daughter, Louisa, the only one left at home, was 
married to Mr. Samuel M. Woodruff. Henry's 
father wrote to him, "It was rather a grave digni- 
fied & solemn time, than a merry and trifling one." 
Fred's account was in quite another key: — 

I suppose you will like to know how Louisa was 
married. I will now tell you as much as I remember 
althoug you must not laugh if I do not make good 
grammar 

Louisa was married in mothers room The room was 
cleaned out and the bedstead was taken down. S<sifiie 
of the cake was made in Fairfield By Diana but the 
best was made to home by Cousin Mary Lockwood and 
Mother. Louisa was dressed in a whitish sateen dress 



[ 138 ] 



Family Ties 

with straight sleeves like a man and a pocethandker- Bridgeport 

chief in her hand that they said cost fifty dollars. Just 

as the doors was opened Louisa burst out a laughing 

but stoped in about two or three seconds. After 

Mr. Hewitt had done talking Mr. Woodruff kissed 

Louisa. 

Wheeler's description was again different : — 

I was sorry not to meet you at the wedding, but you 
did not lose much, it was on the whole more like a 
conference meeting than a wedding. The joke was they 
wanted me to sing for their amusement, "The Burial 
of Sir John Moore," which I did not consider exactly 
appropriate. 

After the wedding the family were thoroughly 
tired out, and Aunt Betsey, upon whom much of the 
burden had fallen, was sent to New York to visit 
some of her relatives for a week to get a little rest 
and vacation. Uncle William apparently went with 
her. They must have belonged quite noticeably to 
the class of "country cousins," especially Uncle 
William. He declined to eat with a silver fork, say- 
ing, "Take it away, I had just as lief eat with a 
baby's paw." After that a three-tined steel fork 
was always kept in the house for his especial use. 
After his return to Bridgeport his family were much 
amused to find in his pockets a large collection of 
buttons, pins, strings, etc., which he had picked up 
in the streets of New York. As for Aunt Betsey, her 
principal amusement was going to church. 

[ ^9 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Bridgeport In February, 1837, Lockwood too started on a 
journey, going into a part of the country then quite 
unknown to him. He went to Washington to see 
the inauguration of President Van Buren. He was 
two days continuously in the stage-coach and during 
this time the weather was stormy and the roads 
terribly bad. When they came to the Susquehanna, 
sledloads of passengers were drawn across the river, 
three men pulling each load, as the ice would not 
hold horses. No wonder our traveller pronounced 
it "tedious and hazardous." 

Of Washington he said, "Aside from the Public 
buildings Washington is not much of a place, not 
being a place of any business except what grows 
out of its being the seat of Congress." He had in- 
terviews with both the new and old presidents 
and heard most of the great men of the nation 
speak in debate. It was altogether an interesting 
visit. 

After his return home he had to devote his atten- 
tion to the management of his two younger sons, 
Jim and Fred. They were not bad in any way but 
very full of mischief and difficult to control. The 
father wrote regarding them, "I fear our boys do 
not learn much, they spend all the time they can 
steal sliding down hill." Once they both ran away 
from school but the father promptly whipped them 
and sent them back. As for the mother, a member 
of the family once said, "She never spoke a cross 

[ HO ] 



Family Ties 

word to her children, although the younger boys Bridgeport 
acted like Old Harry." 

Henry, who was still at Amherst, did not give so 
much trouble as his younger brothers, but he was 
not perfect either. At one time a letter was received 
speaking of his *' neglect of duty after many notices 
and warnings." The family were panic-stricken; 
they almost felt as if Henry were lost forever. Uncle 
William besought him by the affection he held for 
his father and mother to do everything that would 
promote his best good. His sister Louisa wrote that 
she feared the consequences of these irregularities 
on her dear mother's health, that her mother had 
said, **If Henry should be sent home from college 
it would almost break your father's and my hearts," 
and that her "tears and anguish" were most pa- 
thetic. His father bade him consider himself "a 
delinquent" and said that his conduct was "sub- 
versive to the best good of the student, the best 
interest of the College, and of a solemn and import- 
ant duty due to Parents and Guardians." Poor 
Henry! He was not the only boy who had ever 
occasioned a "letter home." 

He was exceedingly anxious to have charge of his 
own funds. His father wrote to him: — 

Altho generally a dangerous thing to entrust money 
with young men in your situation, I am aware that 
there are exceptions — and I would fain hope that you 
are one. . . . Could you assure yourself of sufficient skill 

[ MI ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Bridgeport prudcncc & calculation, to appropriate it judiciously 
& economically — to send home to me a monthly ac- 
count in detail of your expenditures, and the exact 
state of your Bank account — together with an esti- 
mate of required expenses for the month next ensuing 

— I don't know but I might think it expedient to make 
the experiment — for I well know that prudent young 
men derive great benefit from making their own bar- 
gains & laying out funds themselves. 

Ten days later the father sent Henry ^80 with fur- 
ther injunctions, urging on him not to lend money; 
for it was not his for such a purpose, and he could 
always get off when applied to, on this plea. 

With regard to the accuracy of the accounts the 
father was also very particular, as may be seen by 
a later note: — 

According to your statement you had from home ^85 

— Your traveling expense & bill paid, you foot $74.45 
leaving a balce. in hand you say of about $2.50 — but 
I should say 10.55 — exactly — however there may be 
more science in College Mathematics, than I am avv^are 
of 

I call your attention to these things, not because I 
think you are very extravagant but to shew that you 
dont figure correctly. . . . 

You say you can certainly get to the end of the term 
with $20 — But willing you should have some in your 
pocket — I send you annexed a Check on the Bank 
here for $30. 

On the whole, Henry stood in good favor after 
this. His father commented on the excellent reports 

[ H2 ] 



Family Ties 

received and expressed a trust that he would be Bridgeport 
"an honour to the name — as a Man, a Scholar 
& a Christian." The mother, although her husband 
assured Henry that she had not a leisure moment 
in which to write, found time to send him a little 
letter. "I understand that your improvement is 
remarked by others, but — be not vain," said she. 

Wheeler, who was always so much interested in 
Henry's improvement, wrote many letters of good 
advice, from which some extracts are here given. 

1836, Dec. I. Yourhandwritingiscertainly very fair 
for a Scholar, but I wish you would improve it as one 
of these days I may be glad to see you perhaps as De 
Forest & Brother, which would make a good title to 
go by. 

1836, Dec. 26 (concerning an Honor). In all situa- 
tions of life there is nothing so well calculated to pro- 
mote a man's temporal welfare as unceasing, persevering 
industry, & a thorough knowledge of the business in 
which he is engaged, & it must be apparent to you that 
these habits of industry so essential to his prosperity 
are best formed in early life. If, therefore, the obtain- 
ing an honor is productive of no other good — it will be 
at all events the means of keeping up your ambition & 
your industry & I am sure you must admit that he who 
possesses these in an eminent degree stands the best 
chance of becoming not only an honorable, but also 
prosperous member of society ... if you get no honor 
this time, be sure you get one next. 

1837, Mar. 3. I do not much wonder that you feel 
rather melancholy at the outset of the term, but this 

[ H3 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Bridgeport must vanish when you are once fairly at work; there Is 
nothing so agreeable to me as constant employment, 
particularly If I am to derive a benefit from it. Now 
your benefit is certain & the remuneration depends on 
yourself. 

I approve of your ideas as to the Law. It is the pro- 
fession of all others that I should prefer, but to succeed 
in this profession you must have your head well lined, 
not only with Law, but with every other class of learn- 
ing to make the law available. One thing I consider of 
the greatest importance, it is that you should begin 
early to make choice of the very best language, not 
only in writing, but in conversation, avoiding the local 
terms & Americanisms which pervade our language at 
the present day, you will enjoy great advantages not 
only in obtaining but in prosecuting your profession, as 
your connection is extensive & influential. 

I hope to leave this for Europe in course of the sum- 
mer, & should be delighted to take you along if your 
education was completed. 

1838, Feb. 2. No man, woman or Boy can have 
good health & a proper use of his mental faculties, with- 
out exercise in the open air ... I hold that a man had 
better be a common sawyer of wood, or a carrier of 
water, with half enough to eat & good health, than to 
have the wealth of the Indies without it . . . come 
what will, take your exercise every day, rain or 
shine. . . . 

If you have a master take Dancing lessons. If not, 
take boxing or fencing, if there is neither then Box 
among yourselves, but mind, don't get angry, if you do 
you will get thrashed as no one can box who cannot 
keep cool, quite cool. 



[ H4 ] 



Family Ties 

Wheeler's health was not at this time so good as Bridgeport 
it had been. He had always worked very hard and 
his eyes now troubled him so that it was almost 
impossible for him to use them. He therefore de- 
cided to take a holiday in Europe and as a travelling 
companion took with him a gentleman who was in 
the habit of reading aloud to him. They sailed on 
July 8, 1838, remaining abroad over a year, when 
Wheeler returned very much improved in health. 

During Wheeler's absence he wrote to Henry 
about the importance of a knowledge of foreign 
languages. "Let me entreat you to improve your 
present advantages, the world has grown so wise 
that a young man must know a great deal, & be thor- 
oughly educated to maintain a decent standing 
among men that are full grown, &, among other 
things, do not fail to learn French, without this no 
man can pass muster. I know just enough of the 
language to experience the mortification of not know- 
ing more. Without French no young man can appear 
in society on the Continent, but with English and 
French you may go where you like, but I find almost 
all the educated men of the present day, know Ger- 
man also, & it is very easy to learn any language 
after knowing Greek & Latin — so, push on, my 
dear Boy, & do not permit yourself to rest until you 
know French." 

This letter arrived in the fall of 1838, when Henry 
was recovering from an attack of typhus fever, with 

[ H5] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Bridgeport which he had been ill for a long time. His father 
and mother went up to Amherst to be with him, but 
his recovery was slow. He was finally able to return 
to Bridgeport for the New Year holiday. There he 
read Shakespeare aloud to some of his cousins, much 
to his own pleasure as well as theirs. He found his 
father in very good spirits and they got on remark- 
ably well together. What followed will be told in 
Henry's own words: "Relying upon my good be- 
haviour & confident that my request would be 
granted, I asked him to make me a New Year's 
present of Shakspeare. But the old gentleman 
stared most exceeding hard at me, & advised me 
rather to employ myself in the regular College stud- 
ies than meddle with such works as Shakspeare's. 
This reply forcibly reminded me of an anathema 
thundered out against the same author by a certain 
rigid Puritan. 'To Tophet with his wicked book, 
and to the Vale of Rimmon with his accursed bones.' 
I really believe that Father would rather Shak- 
speare had never lived, but here I can't agree with 
him." 

While recording all these happenings, we must not 
forget a very important one, the birth on January 
8, 1838, of Louisa's little son. Louisa was herself 
the youngest daughter and had always been a great 
pet, and so when her son was bom, she promptly 
named him after her father. None of Lockwood de 
Forest's grandchildren had ever been named for 

[ 146] 




PORTRAIT OF LOCKWOOD DE FOREST, 1 838, PROBABLY BY SAMUEL WALDO 

Owned by Samuel Downer 



Family Ties 

him, and he was immensely pleased. He gave the Bridgeport 
boy "^loo., a silver cup, &c.," and he and his wife 
immediately began to plan a visit to Albany to see 
Louisa and the new little Lockwood. Such a trip 
was not, however, to be lightly undertaken. It 
•meant fatiguing journeys in stage-coaches and was 
not so simple a matter as to get in the gig and, 
driving Peacock and Pedlar, go over to Fairfield to 
see Mary. 

Lockwood, though always fond of horses, showed 
less judgment in purchasing them than did his son 
Wheeler. After Peacock and Pedlar, his first span, 
had ceased, for some reason, to be satisfactory, there 
came a succession of others, all giving Mr. de Forest 
more or less trouble and anxiety. Jim, who was al- 
ways a horse lover, once wrote to Henry: "A short 
time after you went away one of the yellow, big, 
twin horses got lame, and the other had the blind 
staggers and Father seeing a span of blacks took 
them on trial. . . . One of these black horses had a 
large swelling on one of his fore legs. Well ! Father 
took a liking to the sound black horse, so he swaped 
Uncle's horse for him, and gave something for him 
to boot. So you see Father has three horses, but 
not a pair that he could use. Well ! one day he saw 
two horses very much alike ; they were white, with 
blue-black spots, and long white tails & manes what 
you call real beauties. He bought them and in- 
creased his number to five, and he is now on the 

[ H7] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Bridgeport lookout for a mate for the black. The black is a 
three minute horse and as you might know he has 
a sore tail, having been nicked." 

Sometimes Mr. de Forest found good horses in 
Bridgeport, even "three minute horses," and some- 
times he was seen in New York on Broadway — 
surely not a possible locality for such an exhibition 
nowadays — watching a showy pair as they were 
driven up and down before him to show off their 
fine points and their good gaits. 

He bought a good pair of light bays, twins, and 
sent them to a Mr. Frink at Amherst to be trained 
and to have their tails docked. Mr. Frink kept 
them a long time and then sent word through Henry 
that the ends of their tails " stuck up " and that one 
of them kicked! Mr. de Forest was in a state of 
great exasperation but left the horses with Mr. 
Frink a little longer, hoping that the tails would be- 
come less aspiring. When the pair were returned to 
Bridgeport, their owner was even more irate. They 
were very thin. On weighing them, he found that 
they had actually lost two hundred and five pounds 
during the four weeks of their absence; "4 lbs. of 
flesh a day on each horse," said Mr. de Forest, who 
thought that they could hardly have been more re- 
duced and yet have been kept alive. He said that 
he was ashamed to have them seen. Soon after 
he decided to sell them for what they would bring 
him. 



[ '48] 




PORTRAIT OF MRS. LOCKWOOD DE FOREST, ABOUT I Sj 8 
BY WALDO AND JEWETT 
Owned by Robert W. de Forest 



Family Ties 

But he was thoroughly satisfied with the pair Bridgeport 
of white and black spotted horses. He called them 
"The Leopards," and wrote, "They are a dead 
match & really beautiful. They are of Arabian 
breed — white with promiscuous blue-black spots 
— long white tails, both handsome & fine travellers." 
Mr. de Forest had grown to be fond of a certain 
amount of show, though he would probably not 
have acknowledged that this was true, and so he 
felt that he must get something very fine to match 
the Leopards. He therefore bought a white sleigh, 
the front runners of which terminated in swans' 
heads, and filled it with white fur robes. In this 
turnout, which was considered wonderfully elegant, 
driving his white Leopards with the promiscuous 
blue-black spots and long tails, he used to go about 
the country enjoying very much the sensation 
which he created but without in any way showing 
that he did so. 

In the summer of 1840 Henry graduated very 
creditably from Amherst, and according to his 
strongly expressed desire, went in September, 1840, 
to New Haven to take a course in the Law School 
there. He was joined by his nephew, Daniel D. 
Lord, and they had great pleasure in studying to- 
gether. Meanwhile both Jim and Fred, following 
Henry's example, went to Amherst. 

Up to this time Lockwood had not had any ap- 
parent interest in preserving family records, but his 

[ H9 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Bridgeport visit to his two Hgcd relatives a few years before 
probably turned his thoughts in this direction and 
in 1838 he decided to buy a Family Bible and to 
inscribe therein all the data which he could collect. 
Without these valuable records how few of the old 
dates should we now be able to verify and yet how 
we wish that he had written more fully ! One page 
is devoted to items relating to the de Forest family 
and one to those of the Wheeler family. Then fol- 
low the records of births, marriages, and deaths in 
his personal family. 

On the first page of all he wrote a very fine exhor- 
tation to his descendants, which is here copied ver- 
batim. 

With a view to secure this Bible, and my family record 
contained in it, in the possession of my male descend- 
ants to the latest possible period — I do hereby be- 
queath it to my eldest son who shall be living at my 
decease, to be handed down from one eldest male de- 
scendant to another, as they shall successively decease, 
as long as my male lineal descendants shall exist. 

And I earnestly enjoin it upon each of them, into 
whose possession this book may come as above pro- 
vided, to insert in it, his own family record, extending it 
as far as may be to the families of his brethren. 

And firmly believing it myself to be the infalli- 
ble word of God, and its precepts and doctrines to 
be divinely inspired, I do affectionately and solemnly 
enjoin it upon each and all of them, to make its divine 
instructions, precepts and doctrines, their only safe and 
sufficient rule of Faith and practice, as long as they 

[ >s°] 



Family Ties 

live. And may God add his blessing to me and to my Bridgeport 
household, to my children and my childrens children, 
to their latest posterity, for our great Redeemers sake 
Amen. 

Bridgeport 28th June 1838. 

LocKWooD De Forest. 

Mr. de Forest kept up these family records till 
the time of his death, his sons did the same as long 
as any of them still lived, and the book is now in 
the possession of his grandson, Robert W. de Forest, 
the "eldest male descendant" of Lockwood de For- 
est who is now living. The records have been con- 
tinued as accurately as possible, but the family 
circle has enlarged to such proportions that some 
years ago it was deemed advisable hereafter to con- 
tinue only the records of those bearing the name 
of de Forest — "the families of his brethren," as 
Lockwood de Forest put it. 

Early in the winter of 1840 Mr. de Forest and his 
wife paid another long visit to New York and before 
they returned to Bridgeport authorized Wheeler to 
find a house for them, the father having come to 
a "full determination to establish there" and the 
mother having "fixed her heart upon it" — a rather 
characteristic difference in their way of viewing 
things. 

Apparently the project of the Housatonic Railroad 
had been weighing rather too heavily upon Mr. de 

[ '5' ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Bridgeport Forcst, who was "completely infatuated," as one of 
his sons said, and Wheeler had at last persuaded 
him to "give over the railroad," hoping that he 
would then "keep clear of the Philistines," as he 
called the projectors of the road. This may have 
been one reason why the family was so anxious to 
persuade the father to move away from Bridgeport. 

Peaceful Days at Last 

.New York A whole year went by before the right dwelling 
in New York was found, but on February i, 1841, 
Lockwood de Forest finally purchased a house, No. 
13 St. Mark's Place,^ then a fashionable locality. 
The property included one tw^enty-five foot lot on 
St. Mark's Place and two lots to the south facing on 
Seventh Street, which gave the family space for a 
lovely garden. For all this Mr. de Forest paid a 
little over ^15,000. He was evidently attracted to 
this neighborhood because his daughter, Jane Wake- 
man, lived on the opposite side of St. Mark's Place. 
The alterations in the house offered a new outlet 
for Mr. de Forest's activity. It had a "tea room" 
in the rear of the first floor, which he altered into 
a library, constructing a bathroom in connection 
with it. A new bedroom was added above the 
library, and in the basement was installed " a cook- 

^ St. Mark's Place was the continuation of Eighth Street 
beyond Third Avenue. It was renumbered the next year, 
when No. 13 became No. 22. 



[ 'SH 




THE FRONT DOOR OF 22 ST. MARK S PLACE 



Peaceful Days at Last 



ing oven like Downer's." The building was also New York 
painted throughout, and when finished was pro- 
nounced a beautiful and convenient house. 

The Bridgeport property was then offered for 
sale, and Mr. de Forest with his family moved to 
St. Mark's Place in April, 1841. At this time almost 
all of his children lived in the city : his sons Wheeler 
and George each in his own house ; his daughters — 
Mrs. Lord, Mrs. Downer, Mrs. Wakeman, Mrs. 
Baldwin, and Mrs. Edwards — all had their homes 
in New York; and Henry rejoined his father and 
mother when he left New Haven a month or two 
later. The only ones who were not in the city were 
Mrs. Skinner, who still lived at Fairfield; Mrs. 
Woodruff, who was at Albany; and James, then at 
Amherst College. 

The family circle at St. Mark's Place at first con- 
sisted, therefore, of Mr. and Mrs. de Forest, Henry, 
Fred, and their Aunt Betsey de Forest. Aunt Betsey, 
however, was not much longer to continue with 
them. She had had a happy home in her brother's 
family for nearly twenty-three years ; and when she 
died, on October 29, 1841, she left a void which no 
one else could quite fill. She was buried in Bridge- 
port, the town which was endeared to her by so 
many associations. The funeral was simple, but a 
record has been kept of all the items, from the cost 
of the "barouches" which met the steamboat on 
its arrival from New York and carried the family 

[ '53] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New York to the cemetery, down to the fifty cents which was 
given to the bell-ringer. 

The day before her death Aunt Betsey had made 
her will, naming her nephews Wheeler and Henry 
as executors of her small estate of only about ^600. 
She directed them to pay all her debts, to invest the 
residue of her property, and to give the interest 
or dividends therefrom "punctually as they shall 
accrue" to her "dear sister Abby Lewis." This 
Henry did "punctually" every six months until the 
latter's death in 1857. 

Dear Aunt Betsey! Her life had been one of self- 
sacrifice and loving devotion. The joy of doing for 
others had been hers in abundance. 

The house in St. Mark's Place must have been 
lonely for Mrs. de Forest without her sister-in-law, 
with whom she had worked hand in hand for so 
many years. Mehetabel, although still young in her 
feelings, was getting to be an elderly lady. In 1843, 
when she was sixty-six years old, she went to Fair- 
field to visit her daughter Mary. One of her grand- 
daughters then wrote the following tender and 
lovely description of her: "I must send a line by 
Grandma. As usual, we are sorry, very sorry to have 
her go. We have all enjoyed her charming society 
and she, I am sure, has enjoyed herself too. It 
would have done you good to see her trotting round 
the garden to pick flower seeds, now and then stop- 
ping underneath the grape vine to eat grapes and 

[ 154] 



Peaceful Days at Last 



look around and say, 'how beautiful it is here,' or New York 
seated over a large basket of stockings, singing in 
a low sweet voice, 'oh! for a closer walk with God.' 
She has seemed unusually calm and happy, and her 
presence, like the fragrance of a flower, has filled the 
air with sweetness. It has certainly left a delightful 
impression upon me, and I only regret that I cannot 
convey it clearly to you." 

The devotion of her children was beautiful. 
Wheeler was very careful of her and was ever afraid 
lest she should tire or hurt herself. She had al- 
ways been very active and even when quite an old 
lady would insist on climbing upon chairs in order 
to reach things on the upper shelves in her closets. 
Wheeler, finding her thus engaged, would beg her to 
come down, saying, "Mother, you really must get 
down. It is not safe for you to stand on chairs like 
this." When nothing else would avail, he would say, 
"Mother, if you don't get down I shall begin to 
swear," whereupon she would instantly descend. 
He had certain stock phrases which were always 
effective. For instance, when he found her going up 
or down the steep back stairs, which he thought 
dangerous for her, he would threaten, "Mother, if 
you go up and down those stairs I won't read a 
chapter in my Bible for a month." Several people 
remember the happy little tune which she always 
hummed as she ran upstairs — perhaps even up 
those same back stairs. 



[ IS5] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New York Her son George was like a lover with her, coming 
to see her for half an hour in the morning on his way 
down town and letting nothing ever interfere with 
this daily visit. While there he always threaded for 
her use about twenty needles, leaving them sticking 
in a cushion, so that she might never have to pause 
in her work because of her inability to thread her 
needle. 

Henry once wrote thus of his early memories of 
her: "Can I forget the home of my childhood.? . . . 
Did I love my mother ? Did I recognize her love to 
me as a child beaming forth from those lustrous 
loving eyes?" 

After Mrs. de Forest became somewhat deaf, she 
used to say, " Sometimes I answer yes and sometimes 
no, but although I do not always hear what they say 
I do not know that I really miss much." 

By her grandchildren she was adored/ She had 
many winning ways, such as stowing away little 
packages of simple seed cakes, and producing them 
at the right moment, also telling entrancing stories 
beginning, "When I was a little girl." Besides, on 
New Year's Day she gave to each grandchild a one 
dollar gold piece, which she always enjoined upon 
him to put in the bank. 

But the little children were not the only ones to 

^ At the time of her death Mrs. de Forest had had as 
many as forty-five grandchildren and twenty-seven great- 
grandchildren. 



[ 156] 



Peaceful Days at Last 



whom she gave pleasure. She had many relatives New York 
still living in the Connecticut hill country, some not 
so happily provided with this world's goods as she 
now was, and she was always thinking of something 
kind and nice which she could do for them. Some- 
times it was a niece who was to be married and Me- 
hetabel would have her come to St. Mark's Place for 
a fortnight in order that her niece might buy her 
wedding clothes in New York. A young half-sister 
was often invited to pay her long visits ; and know- 
ing that her guest would need a nice dress for such 
occasions, the elder lady would send her ^loo, 
which on one of these times was expended on a 
most magnificent "black brocade watered silk." A 
young sister-in-law — so young that she called Mrs. 
de Forest "Aunt de Forest" — became somewhat 
reduced in circumstances and set up a millinery 
establishment in Bridgeport. "Aunt de Forest" 
and Louisa Woodruff, her youngest daughter, were 
most kind to her in every way. They would have 
her stay with them for a fortnight at a time, mak- 
ing all their hats, and Mehetabel also told her to 
come to the house in St. Mark's Place whenever 
she needed to come to New York to buy materials. 
When Aunt Lewis became infirm, Mrs. de Forest 
provided an attendant and many little luxuries. 
She never forgot her old home or those who were 
less fortunate than she was. 

It is pleasant to dwell on all these bright, happy 

[ ^S7\ 



Lockwood de Forest 



New York pictures, for the time of Mehetabel's separation from 
the companion of so many years was drawing near, 
when she was to be left alone save for the loving 
care of her children. 

These children were beginning even now to gather 
more closely around her. The year after Sister Betsey 
left Lockwood and Mehetabel, their daughter, Jane 
Wakeman, with her family moved across from the 
other side of the street and for several years lived 
with her father and mother. In 1846, when Jane 
went to a house of her own, Louisa Woodruff (the 
youngest of Lockwood's seven daughters) came 
down from Albany with her husband and her fa- 
ther's namesake, "Little Lock," to make her home 
permanently with her parents. 

It was a great joy for Mrs. de Forest to have 
Louisa with her again and also to have Wheeler 
live nearby. Soon after his father moved to New 
York, Wheeler had taken a house at 13 Fifth Ave- 
nue, and there he loved to entertain all the family, 
especially his nephews and nieces. One nephew 
wrote of Uncle Wheeler's giving a "blow-out" and 
on another occasion of his having invited all the 
family to dine; "they had a great * kick-up,'" said 
the nephew, which sounds as if the entertainment 
had been more hilarious than those given by 
Wheeler's father. Once Wheeler took all his nieces 
to the theatre. "I intend," said he, "to take all the 
younger branches of the feminine gender to hear 

[ 'S8 ] 




PORTRAIT OF WHEELER DE FOREST, ABOUT iSsf 
Owned by Robert W. de Forest 



Peaceful Days at Last 



Mr. & Mrs. Wood tomorrow evening at the City New York 
Hotel. ... I expect to make considerable of a sen- 
sation, or rather I expect my troop will." He was 
always devoted to the ladies of the family and at 
least once during his European absence wrote to all 
his sisters to select dresses for themselves as a gift 
from him, which, as a nephew put it, "was very 
genteel of him." 

Wheeler never married, though it is rather diffi- 
cult to understand why not. "He was a favorite 
with the other sex. His fine animal spirits, his great 
vivacity, quick repartee, off-hand manner, merry 
laugh, & facility of adapting himself to persons of 
every variety of temperament & culture made him 
as popular with women as with men, & I venture to 
say that no man who ever lived in New York City 
had more friends among men & women both than 
Wheeler de Forest. . . . 

"He had always been extravagantly fond of 
horses, and was a fine horseman & a most expert 
driver. It was his habit for many years to drive 
down town to his business & back again, & it was 
interesting to accompany him & see how many 
saluted him. * There goes Wheeler de Forest,' you 
would hear from many a pedestrian as he passed." 

It was said that such was his skill that he could 
drive up or down town more rapidly than any one 
else, and he liked to scare his women relatives by 
the hair-breadth chances which he took, and then 

[ '59] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New York to laugh at them, saying that he "only needed a 
space as large as a dinner plate in which to turn 
around with a horse and buggy." Horses were his 
one extravagance. 

When he went abroad in 1838 he spent money on 
himself more liberally than before and on his return 
brought with him, among other things, an inter- 
esting and valuable relic. This was a jewelled snuff- 
box which had been presented by Napoleon I to one 
of his marshals. There were three large, handsome 
diamonds on the lid of the box, and Wheeler had the 
largest one reset as a shirt pin for himself. After his 
death this diamond came to his brother Henry and 
the "de Forest diamond" has since descended to 
Henry's eldest grandson. The antiquarian members 
of the de Forest family wish, however, that the 
snuff-box might have been left as it was ! 

Wheeler at another time had the opportunity to 
purchase an historic building in New York City. He 
and two others in 1852 bought the Mercantile Ex- 
change building, the former Custom House, on the 
south side of Wall Street, for ^805,000. The same 
day the New York Exchange Company (of which 
the three owners were members) was organized to 
hold this property. During the early days of the 
Civil War (1862) this building was leased to the 
United States Government for three years as a 
treasury. The Government was also given an option 
to purchase it for $1,000,000 at any time before the 

[ 160] 




MERCHANTS EXCHANGE, WALL STREET 
Owned in 1852 by W. Wheeler de Forest and two others 



Peaceful Days at Last 



expiration of the lease. Just before the lease expired, New York 
in April, 1865 (when gold was at a premium of 146), 
the Government exercised its option but paid the 
^1,000,000 in paper. It would have taken ^2,460,000 
in paper to have equalled the sum mentioned in 
gold. Wheeler always considered this a mean trick 
on the part of the Government. 

He was exceedingly generous with his money, but 
though he had a fortune of ^3,000,000 at the time 
of his death, he often said to Henry, "I could be a 
happy man if I lost all I had, & was left with only a 
shirt ! I should take pleasure in making my fortune 
over again." 

As may be inferred from all that has been said 
already, Wheeler and his brother Henry were de- 
voted to each other, although they were separated 
in age by twenty-six years; and as the time for 
Henry's leaving the Yale Law School drew near, 
they both looked forward with ever - increasing 
pleasure to the days when they should live once 
more in the same place and be able to see each other 
at will. 

When Henry left New Haven in the fall of 1841 he 
rejoined his parents at St. Mark's Place, and having 
fully determined to become a lawyer, entered with- 
out delay the law office of his brother-in-law, Daniel 
Lord, Jr., there to spend the next two years in pre- 
paratory study. There was no law school in New 
York at this period and many young men acquired 

[ '61 ] 



Lockvvood de Forest 



New York their training in Mr. Lord's office. Some of Henry's 
fellow-students were William M. Evarts, James G. 
King, Jr., John Taylor Johnston, and Daniel D. 
Lord, the last two having been at the law school in 
New Haven with him. 

Li the spring of 1844 Henry, although without a 
dollar of his own, determined to be no longer de- 
pendent upon his father but to start out on his own 
account. His father offered to advance him money 
and he finally borrowed ^500 to buy absolutely 
necessary law books. From the beginning he made 
his way, slowly but surely; after the first year he 
took an office in the Mercantile Exchange build- 
ing with James G. King, Jr., and John A. Weekes. 
Through the latter Henry made a new and very im- 
portant acquaintanceship — with John's sister Julia 
— and before many months passed they were en- 
gaged to be married. 

Henry was at this time earning about ^i,cx)o a 
year. His father proposed to lend him what he 
needed to enable him to marry, but Henry knew 
that any advance would be charged against his share 
of his father's estate and declined, though it gave 
him a feeling of security to know that his father 
stood back of him. The early training that Henry 
had received from his father stood him in good stead 
at this time. "He had trained me to have the great- 
est aversion to being in debt and always to pay a bill 
promptly on its presentation. And though I had but 

[ -62 ] 




ST. John's chapel-in-the-fields, 1821. engraved by 

W. D. SMITH FROM A DRAWING BY A. J. DAVIS 
From " The New York Mirror," 1829 



Peaceful Days at Last 



a few hundred dollars of my own at my marriage I New York 
never was under the necessity of violating his rules. 
I determined to live within my income and always 
did, and paid *as I went.'" 

Wheeler, who was always ready to step forward 
when he could help any of his relatives, owned a 
comfortable little house at 80 Charles Street, just 
north of Bleecker Street and opposite the fine old 
farm of Abram Van Nest. He offered to rent this 
to Henry and Julia at a modest sum and they were 
only too glad to accept. Charles Street is in Green- 
wich Village and the house stood within a stone's 
throw of the one which Lockwood de Forest had 
occupied when he first came to New York. 

Finally the all-important day — April 15, 1847 — 
arrived, and Henry, in telling the story of it, again 
gives some lovely touches regarding his dear mother. 
"My mother came up into my room the morning of 
my wedding day, & told me that I had been a good 
son & wished me happiness. She went about the 
room as if she wished to put it in order, to conceal 
her emotion." 

The ceremony took place in St. John's Chapel, 
facing St. John's Park. Of course Lockwood de 
Forest was present; and though he undoubtedly 
gave the bride his blessing, there is fortunately no 
record of his having frightened her as he frightened 
another little bride in the family that same year. 
She, little Mary, had just been married to a mis- 

[ 163 ] 



Lockwood de Forest 



New York sionaiy and was going with him to far-away Africa. 
Just as she was leaving, her grandfather rose to his 
full height and stretching out his hands above her, 
pronounced this parting benediction: "The blessing 
of the God of Abraham and of Isaac and of Jacob 
rest upon you." He was so very tall and so very im- 
pressive that poor little Mary, whose heart was over- 
full already, came very near breaking down. And 
yet what a splendid patriarchal benediction it was! 

A period of failing health now began for Lock- 
wood de Forest; he had heart trouble and he knew 
that he could not live much longer. The summer 
of 1848, the last summer of his life, he and his wife 
spent with their beloved daughter Mary, then living 
in New Haven. 

This year was one of ever-increasing weakness, 
and at last it became evident that the end was not 
far off. Lockwood was then seventy-three years old 
and he was prepared to go. His family Bible had 
long been in readiness, with the earnest exhorta- 
tion to his children inscribed therein. His resting- 
place was ready in Greenwood Cemetery. He had 
made his will — a just and very simple will. After 
bequeathing a few legacies to relatives and societies, 
he left the Bridgeport house and a sufficient income 
to his wife, and divided his residuary estate be- 
tween his twelve children, giving four parts to each 
of his five sons and three parts to each of his seven 
daughters. Everything was in order, he was at 

[ '64] 



SILHOUETTE OF LOCKWOOD DE FOREST, SARATOGA 
JULY 24, 1843 
Cut by August Edouart 



Peaceful Days at Last 



peace with his fellow-man and with heaven, he had New York 
no wish to stay. 

During the latter part of his illness he derived espe- 
cial comfort from the Shorter Catechism. His mind 
was perfectly clear to the last, and on the very day 
of his death, November 29, 1848, as he sat propped 
up in bed, he tried to repeat the questions and an- 
swers. Turning to one of his daughters he asked, 
"What is God?'* When she attempted to give the 
answer, he said, "That is not right — get the book." 

Shortly afterward Lockwood de Forest passed away. 

To understand and appreciate this man one must 
go back over all that he had accomplished in his 
seventy-three years of life. A simple country lad 
with the scantiest education, he had married at 
so extremely youthful an age that that fact alone 
with the ever-increasing burden of many children 
might have prevented his rising. Without business 
experience and with no one to help him, he had had 
the ambition and courage to face the untried and the 
unknown in the hope of bettering his condition. 
Even when he moved to New York with his family 
of nine children, he had accumulated only $7,000 
or $8,000, and yet in a comparatively few years he 
rose to be one of New York's foremost merchants. 

Of his large family ^ it is noteworthy that all the 

^ For an account of Lockwood's children see Appendix, 
P- 307. 



[ 165] 



Lockwood de Forest 



Nc-zv York children except Wheeler married and that none 
turned out badly — which is saying a good deal for 
twelve grown children. For these blessings, how- 
ever, we must give a great deal of credit to the chil- 
dren's gentle mother. We have suggested that 
Lockwood's children feared rather than loved him 
when they were young. This is undoubtedly true, 
yet Henry in writing of him in later years said, 
"Did I not love my noble upright father when I 
came to understand and know him.^"' 

Lockwood de Forest had faults, indeed very 
great ones, but they were those of a strong, insist- 
ent man, a man who had had to force his own way 
and whose success in the world had come largely 
through these same forceful characteristics. Let us 
not judge him harshly. 

After the death of her husband Mrs. de Forest 
continued to live in St. Mark's Place. Louisa and 
her family were still with her, as was Fred. Before 
long Wheeler bought the house from his father's ex- 
ecutors and made it his home also. Thus the family 
group remained until 1854. In that year, Wheeler, 
who, as we have said, had become a wealthy man 
according to the standards of those days, bought a 
large and handsome house. No. 268 Fifth Avenue, 
on the northwest corner of Thirtieth Street. Here 
he moved his venerable mother and those who had 
been with her in St. Mark's Place, and for a number 

[ 166] 



Peaceful Days at Last 



of years they all lived together very handsomely, New York 
entertaining a great deal and inviting various mem- 
bers of the family to visit them. 

In 1863, however, Mehetabel's health began to 
fail. She had led a useful and, on the whole, a happy 
life; in the words of Cotton Mather, she had been 
"edified and beautified with many children," but 
she was now in her eighty-seventh year and her 
family could not hold her longer. So, on January 
23, 1864, they were all summoned to bid her good- 
bye. About her stood her twelve children, full "not 
of gloom but of gratitude for the rich blessing of her 
long and happy life," and she made to them her 
last request, "that they should strive earnestly for 
the conversion of those dear to them and to her." 

Then as they waited, enshrouding her with their 
love, night came on and Mehetabel Wheeler de For- 
est slipped away to join her lifelong companion. 







A Voyage to Guiana 

BEING THE JOURNAL OF JESSE DE FOREST 
AND HIS COLONISTS 




lAl' OF THE RIVER WVAPOKO, KhPKOUlehU AS IN THE ORIGINAL JOURNAL 



Introduction to the Journal 

IN the British Museum there has lain for over 
one hundred and fifty years a manuscript vol- 
ume, shaped like an old-fashioned copy-book, 
belonging to the original collection of Sir Hans 
Sloane, the founder of the Museum. This manu- 
script is the journal of a voyage of the Dutch ship 
Pigeon to Guiana in the years 1623-1625, and was 
written by a member of the ship's company. Under 
the catalogue heading "Guiana," it has remained, 
apparently unnoticed, since it first found lodgment 
in the Museum. Books have been written about 
early voyages to the "Wild Coast" (as Guiana was 
then called), but no one of the writers appears to 
have read of the adventure of Jesse de Forest in 
1623 . No attention seemingly was paid to our Jour- 
nal until the end of the nineteenth century. At all 
events, until this time no mention of it was made 
by scholars or historians, so far as the present writer 
has been able to discover. The book slept on, there- 
fore, and the ink faded and faded until its pages are 
now very difficult to decipher. It was rebound long 
ago — if indeed it ever had a binding before its pres- 
ent one; but it was even then a very old book. It 
had a new title-page once, but that too was long ago, 
for the new title-page is now a specimen of chirogra- 
phy long unused. So the volume lay quietly in the 

[ I7Ï ] 



A Voyage to Guiana 



British Museum as "Sloane MS. 179 b." under the 
heading "Guiana." 

Late in the nineteenth century one pubHc refer- 
ence was made to the Journal. This was during the 
dispute about the boundary line between Venezuela 
and British Guiana, which was finally settled in 
1899. In the course of this contention fragments of 
the manuscript were printed by the British govern- 
ment to prove that a Dutch colony had been estab- 
lished on the Essequibo River in British Guiana 
before 1624. The settlement of the "Pères de fam- 
illes," as the members of this colony were called, 
was alluded to but not Jesse de Forest's connection 
with the colony; indeed, only such parts of the 
Journal were printed as were deemed pertinent to 
the question of the Dutch settlers on the Essequibo. 

But quite apart from the allusions to this Dutch 
settlement there are to be found in the Journal items 
which are valuable as original historical material. 
Some of them, for instance, would have served his- 
torians as corroborative evidence concerning the 
disputed date of the earliest settlement of New 
Amsterdam.^ 

Then again, there were students who knew of 
Jesse de Forest's first colonizing schemes — that 
is, of his desire to take to Virginia certain colonists 
whom he had enrolled, and, that plan having proved 

^ For a detailed treatment of this question see Volume I, 
PP- 33-34- 



[ 172 ] 



Introduction to the Journal 

inadvisable, of his offering to conduct them to the 
West Indies under the auspices of the Dutch West 
India Company.^ These students were left to won- 
der whether he ever reached the New World at all 
and whether he took his colony with him. They 
searched the old Dutch archives for clues and 
found none, yet all that time there lay "Sloane MS. 
179 b.," which would have given them the desired 
information. 

All these details go to prove the importance of the 
little old book and the debt that scholars owe to 
the modern historian, the Rev. George Edmundson, 
who discovered it and brought it to general notice 
about 1901, while he was collecting information for 
articles about the Dutch in Guiana, which he was 
then writing.^ It is therefore not surprising that a 
modern de Forest should wish to honor the book 
and by publishing it to disseminate the informa- 
tion it contains. 

The volume itself is curious and worthy of de- 
scription. Each page is 18 inches wide by 11 high, 
so that when the book is opened it measures 36 
inches across. On the title-page it is called "Journal 
du voyage fait par les Peres de Familles envoyés par 

^ The account of Jesse de Forest's previous efforts at 
colonization may be read in Chapter 11, pp. 17-23 in Vol- 
ume I, or in Major J. W. De Forest's book entitled The 
de Forests of Avesnes. 

2 See articles on Guiana in English Historical Review, 
October, 1901; October, 1903; and January, 1904. 

[ 173 ] 



A Voyage to Guiana 



M" les Directeurs de la Compagnie des Indes occi- 
dentales pour visiter la coste de Guiane ; avec plu- 
sieurs remarques curieuses et quantité de planches, 
très particulières."^ The Journal itself fills the 
greater part of the volume, which also contains 
wonderful old maps, charts, and sketches. The text 
is written in double columns in a rather close, fine 
handwriting, very much faded and hard to decipher; 
moreover, it is in quaint old French, which makes it 
difficult fully to understand the meaning in some 
places. Then there is the old spelling of words and 
the misspelling of names, and to add to all these 
difficulties, "u" and "v" are used interchangeably, 
as was then the custom. 

The maps of the various places visited, which are 
interspersed among the written pages of the Journal, 
are beautifully colored. A list of them in the exact 
form of their legends is here given. 

DESCRIPTIONS COLORED MAPS 

Description de la Coste West de la Riviere des Amazones. 

Riuiere des Amazones iusques a 
Okiari. 
Description de la Coste de Gujana. Coste de Gviane despuis 

le cap du nord iusques a 
la riviere d'Eziquebe. 
[No heading] Cassipoure. 

Description de la Riuiere de Wyapoîco. Wyapoko. 
Description de lisle de Cayane. Isle et riviere de Cayane. 

Description de la Riuiere de Maruyne. Marvini. 
Description de la riviere de Soraname. Soraname. 

^ The title given on the first page of the Journal differs 
slightly from this in form. See p. i88. 



[ •74] 



FIRST PAGE OF THE JOURNAL 






f<w l^i^a.^-^'••• 
■ ■ - r- ^r - • • 



M 



^ .^i/' 






Introduction to the Journal 

Description de la riuiere de Berbice. Berbice. 

[A description of the Essequibo River. Eziquebe. 
No heading.] 

Description des isles des Caribes. Isles des Caribes despuis 

Sainct Vincent iusques 
a I'isle de 1 anguillade. 

In addition to the above there are a number of 
sketches showing the outlines of St. Vincent, St. 
Lucie, Martinique, Dominique, Guadeloupe, Mon- 
cerate, Las Nieues, St. Christopher, Eustatius, Saba, 
Anguillade, and other places as seen from the ship. 

All the maps have very elaborate and decorative 
settings to the titles, while the points of the compass 
are also intricately drawn and carefully painted. 
Although, as has been said, the writing of the Journal 
is badly faded, the coloring of the maps apparently 
remains as vivid as on the day when the colors were 
applied. Interesting details are shown on them, as, 
for instance, the way in which the houses in the 
settlements along the river banks were built — on 
high stilts, as it were — so as to be raised above the 
water when the river overflowed the low land, as 
often happened. 

Four of the maps are reproduced in the present 
volume — those of the rivers Wyapoko, Cassipoure, 
and Essequibo, and one of the coast of Guiana from 
the North Cape to the Essequibo River. The map 
of the Wyapoko is shown in colors, which are copied 
as exactly as possible from the original. The out- 
lines of the shores as sketched from the ship are not 

[ "75] 



A Voyage to Guiana 



particularly interesting, and these, as well as the 
other "descriptions" of the rivers visited, have been 
omitted from this volume. The only descriptions 
here given are of the Essequibo River and of the 
Wyapoko,^ on which the colonists settled. 

In printing the Journal it was not found advisable 
to adopt the copy-book form in which the original 
appears. This has necessitated printing one column 
on a page instead of two — the English translation 
facing the French — but in other respects the ar- 
rangement of the old document has been followed as 
closely as possible. 

The nautical language found in Defoe's history 
of Robinson Crusoe, which was written in 17 19, has 
been freely used in the translation as being the near- 
est approach to the spirit of the seventeenth-century 
French of the original manuscript. 

To summarize the account of the voyage as given 
in the Journal, Jesse de Forest with his ten pères 
de familles embarked in the Pigeon at Amsterdam 
on July 1, 1623, all but three of the pères re-embarked 
for Holland January i, 1624, and two of the three 
who remained in Guiana finally reached Holland 
again in the Black Eagle on November 16, 1625.^ 

^ Now called the Oyapok. 

^ In Chapter 11, pp. 28-56 of Volume I, is given a detailed 
narrative of the voyage, for which the Journal furnished the 
material. 



[ 176] 



Introduction to the Journal 

It is to be regretted that we cannot find the offi- 
cial account of this voyage, but the records of the 
Amsterdam Chamber of the West India Company, 
which apparently equipped and sent out the Pigeon, 
are silent. It was the Zeeland Chamber which des- 
patched the ship on which the colonists returned, 
and the first volumes of its minutes (1623-1626) 
unfortunately have long been missing. So we must 
be content with the account of the expedition as it 
is given in the Journal. 

Jesse de Forest was to be in command of the colo- 
nists after they had landed; he was their leader, 
"our Captain," as they evidently called him. In 
these modern days we should call the officer in charge 
of a ship a "Captain," but it is clear that the title 
in this narrative was given to the leader of the col- 
onists, while the commander of the ship, Pieter 
Fredericsz, was called "The Master" ("le Maistre 
de navire"). Even the chief of the Indians at Ca- 
rippo was called by our colonists the "Captain" of 
the savages. The only ship's "Captain" mentioned 
in the Journal was Captain Couast, who was in 
command of a fleet. 

There are many proofs that these assumptions 
are correct. The Captain never exercised any au- 
thority during the voyage except when he and the 
Pilot obliged the Master to return some clothes 
which he had taken from the sailors' chests aboard 
an English ship. The Master and the Pilot had 

[ ''ll ] 



A Voyage to Guiana 



charts; the Captain evidently had none. He never 
entertained the friends whom they chanced to meet; 
it was always the Master who did this. And, finally, 
it was the Master who on December 27, 1623, asked 
the colonists one by one if they had found a place 
to their liking, and when they had said "Yes," told 
them that according to the orders which he had re- 
ceived from the Directors of the Company, he was 
to take back to Holland only two of them. It was 
Jesse the Captain who died on October 22, 1624, 
and when, on May 23 rd of the following year, Gelyn 
van Stapels arrived with the Flying Dragon to take 
the colonists back to Holland, van Stapels as com- 
mander of that ship was immediately entitled " our 
Master. " As a further proof that Jesse was the man 
who died in Guiana, we find that after the colonists 
reached Holland with the news of their Captain's 
death, Jesse's wife, Marie du Cloux, was spoken of 
as a widow. 

The authorship of the Journal is difficult to deter- 
mine. The document has been called the "De For- 
est Journal" and it has been asserted that Jesse de 
Forest was the scribe, as he naturally would be if 
he were in command of the colonists, for we must 
remember that this is the journal of the colonists 
and not the log of the ship. But the handwriting is 
certainly not Jesse's; moreover, he died before the 
Journal was finished; besides, when on December 
27, 1623, all but three of the pères de familles had 

[ '78 ] 



Introduction to the Journal 

decided to return to Holland, the writer in speaking 
of these three said, "Our Captain, Louis le Maire,^ 
and I," which clearly shows that the "I," who was 
at that time the writer, was neither the Captain 
nor Louis le Maire. Who was "I"? That is the 
question which we seek to answer. 

The Journal was evidently composed by a man 
of education and ability. Jesse was such a man, but 
because of his death could not have written the 
whole Journal. There was also on board a man of 
ability, Jean Mousnier de la Montagne by name, 
who had been living in Leyden for some years as a 
member of its university. He was one of those who 
in 162 1 had signed the original Round Robin which 
accompanied Jesse's petition to the Virginia Com- 
pany.^ In 1623 La Montagne was still anxious to 
emigrate under Jesse's leadership; and although he 
was not as yet a married man, his name is among 
those of the ten pères de familles who sailed with 
Jesse in the Pigeon. 

Moreover, it is fair to assume that La Montagne 
was one of the three colonists who remained on the 
Wyapoko; for he certainly sailed with the ship and 
no trace of him is again found in the records at 

^ See footnote on Louis le Maire, p. 42. 

^ State Papers, Holland, 1622 [should read 1621] Jan- 
uary-March, No. 145 (Public Record Office, London). 
A petition from Jesse to the English "Virginia Company," 
asking that the two hundred and twenty-seven colonists 
whom he had enrolled be granted a tract of land in Virginia. 

[ 179 ] 



A Voyage to Guiana 



Leyden until 1626. Then, several months after the 
return of the two pères de familles who survived 
Jesse in Guiana, he appears as a boarder in the 
home of the Widow de Forest on the Voldersgraft. 
On July 7, 1626, his name was again entered as a 
medical student in the university, and on Novem- 
ber 27, 1626, he became the husband of Jesse de 
Forest's daughter Rachel. 

The handwriting of the manuscript bears some 
resemblance to that of this university student, 
especially in the form and slant of the letters. This 
resemblance is particularly to be remarked by com- 
parison with a certain French letter of his still pre- 
served in Albany.^ But such a resemblance is not 
conclusive evidence that he was the author of the 
Journal. 

The writer of this introduction, after studying 
this interesting little volume very carefully, is inclined 
to adopt the following theory as to its authorship. 
It seems possible, even probable, that the Journal 
now in the British Museum is a contemporary copy 
of the original. Many such copies were made in 
those days, when printed books were scarce. Were 
this the original manuscript, it would seem impossi- 
ble that it should be so neatly finished and that 
there should be so few erasures and corrections. 

The handwriting of this manuscript is identical 
throughout, but it is at least possible that the 



^ Letter of August 15, 1658. 

[ «So] 



Introduction to the Journal 

original Journal was not entirely written by one per- 
son. After January i, 1624, when the Pigeon left the 
three pères de familles and the six members of the 
crew on the Wyapoko, there is a change in the me- 
thod of wording the entries. The day of the week 
is no longer mentioned, but only the day of the 
month, and the entries are not made with the same 
regularity as before, sometimes as much as a couple 
of months intervening between them. These varia- 
tions possibly indicate a change of author — a 
change that would not show in a manuscript 
copy. 

It seems, therefore, to the writer, that Jesse de 
Forest may have written the early part of the Jour- 
nal ; that is, the part prior to his landing in Guiana, 
after which his increased duties might have made it 
impossible for him to continue keeping the records. 
The fact that the whole manuscript was written in 
the first person plural is no argument against this 
theory, for journals at that time were often so writ- 
ten. Nor would this fact in any way interfere with 
the supposition that La Montagne was the writer 
who called himself "I" on December 27, 1623. He 
it was probably who continued to keep the Journal 
after Jesse was obliged to give it up. He was pos- 
sibly also the copyist who made a transcript of the 
original manuscript and who drew the maps and 
views, which were apparently made by the same 
hand as the text. 

[ 181 ] 



A Voyage to Guiana 



So here the question must be left, somewhat un- 
certain, although the writer is convinced that the 
preceding statements are supported by the evidence 
she has given. When the facts and the deductions 
we are able to make from them have all been duly 
considered, it seems not too much to claim that the 
anonymous manuscript should still be known as 
*' Jesse de Forest's Journal." 

Now, after telling all that is known about the 
Journal itself and all that can be inferred as to its 
authorship, we may well turn our thoughts once 
more to the collection of which it has for so many 
years formed a part — or, rather, to the man who 
made that collection. 

Hans Sloane, the great naturalist, physician, and 
author, who was the founder of the British Museum, 
was born in Ireland in 1660 of Scotch parentage. 
From boyhood he was deeply interested in botany 
and natural history. As a profession he adopted 
medicine and pursued his medical studies at Mont- 
pellier in southern France. After his return to Eng- 
land he practised as a physician in London, where he 
acquired a high standing. But although he became 
eminent in his profession, a large part of his time 
and thought continued to be absorbed by the claims 
of natural history and kindred subjects, and he 
soon began to amass the collection which later made 
his name famous. At the age of twenty-five he had 

[ '82] 



Introduction to the Journal 

been elected a Fellow of the Royal Society,^ of 
which Sir Isaac Newton was also a Fellow at that 
time. Sir Hans received many high honors abroad 
and at home, was made a baronet in 1716, and suc- 
ceeded Newton as President of the Royal Society 
in 1727. 

All this time he was ardently adding to the curi- 
osities in his "Museum," as it was then called. This 
museum consisted principally of objects of natural 
history but contained a valuable library as well, 
and in this library were not only books on the 
subjects mentioned above but "Volumes of manu- 
scripts . . . relating to travels, &c." Of these vol- 
umes of manuscripts there were already in 1725 two 
thousand six hundred and sixty-six, and one of them 
was"SloaneMS. 179 b." 

Sir Hans died in January, 1753, and by his will 
bequeathed his entire museum to a corporation to 
consist of fifty "Trustees for the British Museum." 
His only proviso was that, as he was giving all his 
fortune to the state, £20,000 should be paid to his 
executors for the benefit of his two daughters. Par- 
liament immediately closed with this offer and 
authorized a lottery to raise the necessary sum of 
money. 

The palace of the Duke of Montague with its 
gardens, seven acres in extent, was selected as an 

^ Royal Society of London for Improving Natural 
Knowledge. 

[ '83 ] 



A Voyage to Guiana 



appropriate home for the priceless collections. 
There the British Museum was opened to the public 
on January 15, 1759, and there its treasures can 
still be seen although in a more modern building. 

Where did Sir Hans get the Journal? It is inter- 
esting to seek all the possible answers to this ques- 
tion. Sir Hans made many additions by purchase, 
but the most important collection which was added 
to his own was that of a certain William Courten, 
usually known as William Charlton. Sir Hans and 
Charlton had been friends at Montpellier and were 
fellow-collectors, and when Charlton died in 1702 
he bequeathed his large and very valuable museum, 
said to be worth £8000, to his friend. Was the Jour- 
nal part of this bequest ? It may have been. 

If now we wish to pursue this line of investiga- 
tion further, we must first go back to the time of 
Charlton's grandfather, the first Sir William Cour- 
ten.^ He was a wealthy merchant in London with 
a partner residing in Middelburgh, Zeeland, and 
between them they owned many trading ships 
which visited the West Indies as well as the East 
Indies. Sir William seems to have had a passion 
for colonizing schemes, and about 1625, his Zeeland 
partner informed him that he had learned that the 
Island of Barbados was "uninhabited and very fit 
for plantations." 

^ For records of the Courten family see British Museum, 
Sloane MS. No. 3515. 



[ 184] 



Introduction to the Journal 

Now if we let our imagination run riot a little we 
can easily persuade ourselves as to the source of 
the Zeeland partner's information and as to what 
took place in Flushing in the fall of 1625. The Black 
Eagle, sent to the Wild Coast by the Zeeland Cham- 
ber, returned to Flushing, which is in Zeeland near 
Middelburgh, on November 16, 1625. On her decks 
when she reached her destination were the two re- 
maining pères de familles. The Zeeland partner 
knew that Sir William was eager to get all the infor- 
mation he could about places fit for colonization, 
and particularly about the West Indies. Here were 
men who had been for eighteen months settled in 
the vicinity and who had written out their experi- 
ences and made charts of all that they had seen 
on their voyage. He immediately persuaded one 
of the voyagers (possibly La Montagne) to make 
a copy of the Journal for Sir William. ^ It is highly 
probable that these two men, who were aboard the 
Black Eagle when she was sailing among the Carib- 
bean Islands on her homeward voyage, had seen 
the Island of Barbados as they passed, although 
they did not stop there. Perhaps the information 
they were able to give was the first definite news of 
Barbados that Sir William had had. Perhaps it was 

^ Mr. Edward Edwards in his Founders of the British 
Museum, says: "There are several reasons for thinking that 
the rudimentary foundations of Courten's museum had been 
laid in the time of his grandfather, Sir WilHam." 

[ '85] 



A Voyage to Guiana 



corroborative of the accounts of earlier explorers. 
In any case, Sir William in 1626 petitioned Charles 
I for "license to make discoveries and plant colo- 
nies." This petition the king granted and it is said 
that in the month of February, 1626 (1627, New 
Style), two of Sir William's ships landed in Barbados 
"men, ammunition, arms and all necessaries for 
planting and fortifying the country." Thus a colony 
was established there. 

What interests us, however, is not what news 
about strange islands the two pères de familles gave 
to Sir William, but whether the little old Journal of 
the voyage began its career in his hands. 

There is another clue to which we must give 
due consideration. A certain Major John Scott in 
1665-66 commanded an English expedition which 
captured the Island of Tobago and several Dutch 
colonies in Guiana. From boyhood Major Scott had 
had an intense interest in geography, history, and 
travels, and in 1667, after his return from the expedi- 
tion above alluded to, he undertook to write a his- 
tory of the islands and coast of America from New- 
foundland to the Amazon, an account fuller and 
more accurate than had previously been written. To 
this end he collected all the material he could in any 
way find and at last he wrote his preface. In this 
he tells of his method of acquiring information : " I 
made it my business likewise to purchase or borrow 
all the historys and Joumalls that I could heare 

[ '86] 



Introduction to the Journal 

of whether Lattin IttalHan Spanish or Portugais 
French Dutch or in our Language wherein I may 
say I have by reason of a generall generous conver- 
sation had luck extraordinary.'* He also acknowl- 
edged his indebtedness to sundry gentlemen for the 
use of "printed books Manuscripts Patents Com- 
missions and papers relating to those parts." His 
book was never published and not much more than 
the preface was ever written, but this, in his own 
handwriting, together with the material he had col- 
lected, now forms part of the Sloane Collection.^ 

It is just possible that Jesse's Journal may have 
formed part of the material secured by Major John 
Scott for the history which he never finished. If 
this be so, our second clue may be the right one. On 
the other hand, both of these surmises may be wide 
of the mark and the real solution of the source of 
this interesting old document may be tucked away 
as secretly, as securely, and for as long a time as 
was "Jesse de Forest's Journal." 

^ British Museum, Sloane MS. No. 3662. 



JOURNALâfe voyage f ai et par les pères 
de familles enuoyes par M'' les Direc- 
teurs de la Compagnee des Indes occi- 
dentales pour visiter la coste de Gujane 



C 



1623 ^^^OMME Messieurs les Directeurs de La Com- 
pagnee des Indes Occidentales eurent résolu à 
l'entrée de leur administration d'enuoyer visi- 
ter la riuiere de l'Amazone et coste de Gujana et ayant 
pour cet effect esquipé vn nauire nommé le Pigeon du 
port de quarante cincq last sur lequel commandoit 
Pieter Fredericss de Harlem ils furent supplies par 
Jesse des forest qui soubs la permission de Messei- 
gneurs les Estats generaulx des Prouinces unies auoit 
enroolé plusieurs familles désireuses de s'habituer aus 
dites Indes aux fins quicelles fussent employees au 
seruice de la dite Compagnee. Mais pource que Mes 
diets sieurs les Directeurs trouuerent meilleur premier 
que transporter les susdites familles d'enuoyer vn cer- 
tain nombre des pères de familles pour auecq ledict 
Jesse desforests voir les lieux et choisir eux mesmes le 
lieu de leur demeure furent choisis a cet effect Louys 
le Maire, Barthelemé Digan Anthoine Descendre An- 
thoine Beaumont, Jehan Godebon, Abraham Douillers, 



[ 188] 



JOURNAL of the Voyage made by the 
fathers of families sent by the Honor- 
able the Directors of the JVest India 
Company to visit the coast of Guiana 

THE Directors of the West India Company, 162^ 
having decided at the beginning of their ad- 
ministration to send an expedition to explore 
the River Amazon and the coast of Guiana, and having 
for this purpose fitted out a ship called the Pigeon^ 
of 45 lasts 2 burden, commanded by Pieter Fredericsz 
of Harlem, were petitioned by Jesse des forest, who, 
with the permission of their Excellencies the States 
General of the United Provinces, had enrolled several 
families desirous of settling in the said Indies, that 
these might be employed in the service of the said 
Company. But as their Excellencies the said Direc- 
tors thought it better before carrying over the above- 
mentioned families, to send a certain number of the 
heads of families with the said Jesse desforests to in- 
spect the region and themselves select their place of 
abode, there were chosen for this purpose Louis le 
Maire, Bartheleme Digan, Anthoine Descendre, An- 
thoine Beaumont, Jehan Godebon, Abraham Douillers, 

^ Apparently a translation of the Dutch name de Duyf, or 
het Duyfken. Johannes de Laet, Historié of te laerlijck Verhael^ 
pp. 22 and 132, mentions a yacht H Duyfken, of 36 lasts, 
which was fitted out in 1624 and again in 1628. This was 
evidently another vessel. 

^ A Dutch ship's last was about two tons. 

[ '89 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1623 Dominique Masure, Jehan et Gilles Daynes frères 
et Jehan Mousnier de la Montagne sur lesquels fut 
donné le commendement estans sur terre audict Jesse 
desforest. 

j Jeuillet Le Samedy premier iour de Moys de Jeuillet 1623 
nous fusmes embarques sur ledict nauire le Pigeon pour 
faire le voyage des Amazones 

Le Dimanche second du diet mois fismes voille 
d'Amsterdam vers le Texel 

Le Mardy nous arrivasmes audict Texel 

Le Dimanche sexiesme iour dudict moys le vent 
estant Ost Zud Ost nostre nauire leua les anchres 
dudict Texel a dix heures du matin pour faire voille 
auecq la flotte esquipée pour la Guinée mais a cause 
que la Macquereau qui deuoit venir auecq nous iusques 



[ 190 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

Dominique Masure, the brothers Jehan and Gilles 1623 
Daynes, and Jehan Mousnier de la Montagne, over 
whom on landing the said Jesse desforest was to have 
command. 

On Saturday the first day of the month of July, 1623, July z 
we embarked on the said ship Pigeon to make the voy- 
age up the Amazons. 

On Sunday the second of the said month we set sail 
from Amsterdam towards the Texel. 

On Tuesday we arrived at the said Texel. 

On Sunday the i6th day of the said month, the 
wind being East South East, our ship weighed anchor 
from the said Texel at 10 o'clock in the morning in 
order to sail with the fleet fitted out for Guinea; but as 
the Mackerel,^ which was to come with us as far as the 

^ This reference to the Mackerel is of interest in connec- 
tion with the much disputed date of the first actual settle- 
ment of the island of Manhattan. According to Nicolaes 
van Wassenaer, Historisch Verhael, part vii, pp. lo-ii 
verso (translated in J. F. Jameson, Narratives of New 
Netherland, pp. 74-76), the yacht Mackerel had "lain 
above" — i.e., near Fort Orange on the Hudson River — 
when the ship New Netherland, with a company of 30 
families, "mostly Walloons," the first genuine settlers, 
arrived in May at the mouth of the Hudson River. Owing 
to the fact that Wassenaer's account is dated April, 1624, 
many historians, apparently thinking that this date repre- 
sents the time when the account was written, rather than 
the approximate date when the events took place, have 
reasoned that the arrival of the New Netherland, and con- 
sequently the actual foundation of what is now the city of 

[ '91 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

■ 1623 aux Amazones et de la au Nieu Nederland n'estoit pas 
16 Jeuîllet encore racoustre de son mast qu'une fluste la nuict 
précédente venant à la trauerse luy auoit rompu nous 
fusmes contraincts anchrer derechef iusques à deux 
heures du soir ou nous sortismes ensemble peu après 
nous eusmes la veue de la flotte de Guinée. 

Le Lundy dixseptiesme le vent se calma puis se 
fortifia au Zud West qui nous contraignit loueer au 
soir nous vismes les clochers de Delf et de La Brille 

Le Mardy dix huictiesme continuant mesme vent 
nous ioignismes la flotte du Capitaine Couast esquipee 
pour Maroquee au soir se leua vn petit vent Ost Nord 
Ost auecq lequel nous courusmes Zud Zud West. 

Le Mercredy dixneufiesme continua mesme vent 
nostre cours Zud West a deux heures appres midy nous 
vismes Calais etDouure a ceste heure le vent se tourna 
Zud West qui nous contraignit loueer puis anchrer sur 
le soir se leua un grand orage et vn fort vent de LWest 
Nord West qui nous fit leuer l'anchre 

Le Jeudy vingtiesme le Maquereau ne nous pouuant 
suiure elle nous en donna le signal de lattandre ce qui 



[ 192 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

Amazons and from there to go to New Netherland, had 1623 
not yet mended her mast which had been broken the •'"'^ ^° 
night before by a store ship getting in her way, we were 
obHged to anchor again until 2 o'clock in the afternoon 
when we came out together. Shortly after, we had a 
sight of the Guinea fleet. 

On Monday the 17th the wind fell, then strength- 
ened, changing to the South West, which obliged us to 
tack; in the evening we saw the towers of Delft and of 
La Brille. 

On Tuesday the i8th, the wind continuing the same, 
we joined the fleet of Captain Coaast fitted out for 
Morocco. In the evening a slight breeze rose East 
North East with which we ran South South West. 

On Wednesday the 19th the same wind continued — 
our course South West. At 2 o'clock in the afternoon 
we saw Calais and Dover. At that hour the wind 
turned South West, which forced us to tack and then 
to anchor. Toward evening a great storm arose and a 
strong wind from the West North West, which caused 
us to weigh anchor. 

On Thursday the 20th the Mackerel, being unable to 
follow us, signaled us to wait for her, which made us 

New York, must have taken place in May, 1623. The 
present journal, from which it appears that the Mackerel 
did not sail till July, 1623, and consequently could not have 
met the New Netherland till May, 1624, clearly shows that 
the assumption that the settlement began in 1623 is errone- 
ous and that 1624 is the correct date. 

[ 193 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1623 nous fit perdre la flotte de Guinée que nous auions 
20 jeuilUt presque iointe pour nous retirer à Duns. 

Le Vandredy vingt et vnîesme la flotte du Capitaine 
Couast arriva audict Duns ce iour on nous distribua 
deux fromages pour chescune personne pour tout le 
voyage. 

Le Samedy vingtdeuxiesme nous prismes de l'eau. 

Le Mardy nous eusmes le vent Nort quart a l'West 
qui nous fit leuer l'anchre pour poursuiure nostre 
voyage mais comme nous estions au droit de Gaston il 
se changea au Zud West enuiron les deux heures nous 
fusmes contraincts de loueer sans grand avance sur le 
soir se leua une tempeste qui nous fit abatir nos voilles 
et flotter ainsi toute la nuict. 

Le Mercredy vingt sixième voyant que nous ne 
pouuions avancer nous retournasmes enchrer derechef 
a Duns ou nous arrivasmes sur les deux heures appres 
midy 

Le Jeudy vingt septiesme on nous distribua le pain a 
raison de trois livres et demie par semaine a chescun. 

Le Vandredy vingt huictiesme nostre maistre de 
nauire inuita a son bord Pieter Jâss de Flissingues et le 
maistre du Maquereau ou appres auoir fort bien sur- 
uint une querelle entre nostre maistre et les principaux 
mariniers du nauire de sorte qu'après plusieurs injures 



[ 194 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

lose the Guinea fleet, which we had almost joined, and 1623 
go back to the Downs.^ ^"^^ ^^ 

On Friday the 21st Captain Couast's fleet arrived at 
the said Downs. This day there were distributed to us 
two cheeses apiece for the whole voyage. 

On Saturday the 22nd we took in water. 

On Tuesday we had the wind North a quarter West, 
which made us weigh anchor and continue our voyage, 
but when we were to the right of Gaston ^ it changed 
to the South West. About 2 o'clock we were obliged to 
tack without making much progress. In the evening a 
storm arose which caused us to lower our sails and to 
ride thus all night. 

On Wednesday the 26th, seeing that we could not 
go on, we returned to anchor again in the Downs, 
where we arrived towards 2 o'clock in the afternoon. 

On Thursday the 27th bread was distributed to us 
at the rate of three pounds and a half a week for each 
person. 

On Friday the 28th our ship's Master invited on 
board Pieter Jansz of Flushing and the Master of the 
Mackerel, and after a hearty carouse a quarrel sprang 
up between our Master and the chief mariners of the 

^ The Downs: an extensive anchorage off the coast of 
Kent, between Deal & South Foreland, protected largely by 
the sunken bars known as Goodwin Sands. 

^ Hastings. 

[ >9S ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1623 dites de part et d'autre nostre diet Maistre et celuy du 
28 JeuiUet Maquereau qui le vouloit soutenir furent fort outragés 
et batus sur le soir quittèrent le nauire le Chirurgien 
le Canonnier le Cherpantier le Cuisinier et peu appres 
le Contremaistre auecq quelques autres au nombre de 
sept. 

Le Samedy vers le soir le vent se fît Nord Ost ce qui 
fit leuer l'anchre a plusieurs nauires ce que nous ne 
peumes faire pour l'absence de nostre maistre et du 
commis qui estoient allés a terre chercher leurs gens 
au soir estans de retour et ne les ayant peu trouuer ils 
s'en allèrent a cincq nauires des Estats qui estoient 
la anchres pour en auoir dautres en leur place a son 
retour il amena vn Canonnier et quatre matelots. 

Le Dimanche trentiesme le vent estant Ost nous 
leuasmes les anchres du diet Duns 

Le Lundy dernier jour de Jeuillet le vent se fit N. 
a midy nous eusmes la veue de lisle de Wicht. 

/ Aoust Le Mardi premier iour d'Aoust le vent se changea 
Zud West et peu après Zud Zud West sur les deux 
heures nous vismes Portland sur le soir se leua une 
brume fort espaisse auecq un vent Zud West nous 
loueasmes toute la nuict. 

Le Mercredy second d'Aoust le vent fut Nord West 
nostre cours West Zud West ce iour nous vismes Torbay 



[ '96] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

vessel, the upshot of which was that after several 1623 
insults on both sides, our said Master and the Master ^ "^ 
of the Mackerel, who thought to support him, were 
very much abused and beaten. In the evening the Sur- 
geon, the Gunner, the Carpenter, the Cook, and shortly 
afterwards the Quartermaster left the ship with several 
others to the number of seven. 

On Saturday towards evening the wind turned 
North East, which caused several vessels to weigh 
anchor, which we could not do by reason of the absence 
of our Master and the Supercargo, who had gone on 
shore to look for their men. In the evening, having 
returned without being able to find them, they went 
to five States' vessels which were anchored there to 
procure some others in their place. On his return he 
brought back a Gunner and four sailors. 

On Sunday the 30th, the wind being East, we weighed 
anchor from the said Downs. 

On Monday the last day of July the wind was north. 
At midday we sighted the Isle of Wight. 

On Tuesday the 1st day of August the wind changed August i 
to South West and shortly after to South South West. 
At 2 o'clock we sighted Portland. In the evening a 
thick fog set in with a South West wind. We tacked all 
night. 

On Wednesday the 2nd of August the wind was 
North West — our course West South West. This day 
we sighted Torbay. Towards evening the wind was 

[ 197 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1623 sur le soir le vent se fit West quart au Zud qui nous fit 
2 Aoust jQueer la maquerelle s'enchra sans nous en aduertir 
qui nous fit continuer sans elle. 

Le Jeudy continuant mesme vent nous fusmes en- 
chres a Pleimouth pour y chercher vn chirugien et vn 
cherpentier ou nous arrivasmes sur les 7 heures du soir 
ce iour on nous donna le pain a raison de quartre Hures 
la Semaine. 

Le Salmedy cincquiesme le Maquereau arriua auprès 
de nous ce mesme iour nostre Maistre trouua vn 
Chirurgien et deux Cherpantieres. 

Le Dimanche sixiesme notre Chirurgien espousa. 

Le Lundy nostre Maistre inuita a son Bord tous les 
amys de nostre chirurgien lesquels il traita. 

Le Jeudy vingt quatriesme nostre diet Maistre 
chargea six cents liures de biscuit et demi last de Bière. 

Le Jeudy dernier iour d'Aoust le vent qui auoit tou- 
jours esté contraire se fit Ost ce qui nous fit leuer les 
anchres pour continuer nostre voyage peu après il se 
changea au Zud Zud West qui nous fit loueer toute la 
nuit ce iour nous eusmes la premiere fois le pain sans 
peser. 

/ Septembre Le Vrendredy premier iour de Septembre le mesme 
vent dura auecq vne bruyne espaisse au soir il se 
fit West quart au Zud nostre cours Z a minuit il se fit 
Nord West qui nous fit mettre au Zud West. 

[ '98 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

West a quarter South, which caused us to tack. The 1623 
Mackerel anchored without telling us and we went on ^"^"-^^ ^ 
without her. 

On Thursday, the same wind continuing, we came to 
anchor at Plymouth, there to look for a doctor and a 
carpenter. We arrived at 7 o'clock in the evening. This 
day bread was given us at the rate of four pounds a 
week. 

On Saturday the 5th the Mackerel came up with us; 
the same day our Master found a Surgeon and two 
Carpenters. 

On Sunday the i6th our Surgeon was married. 

On Monday our Master invited on board all our 
Surgeon's friends and entertained them. 

On Thursday the 24th our said Master loaded six 
hundred pounds of biscuit and half a last of beer. 

On Thursday the last day of August the wind, which 
had been steadily contrary, became East, enabling us 
to weigh anchor and continue our voyage. Shortly 
after it changed to South South West, obliging us to 
tack all night. This day for the first time we had bread 
without its being weighed. 

On Friday the ist day of September the same wind September i 
continued with a thick fog. In the evening it was West 
a quarter South — our course South. At midnight it 
changed to the North West, which made us put the 
ship's head to the South West. 

[ 199 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1623 Le Samedy second jour de Septembre le mesme vent 
2 Sepumbre j^^jg gj foj-t qu'il nous fallut f relier nos hunnieres nostra 
cours Zud West puis West Zud West au soir nous 
mismes nostre cours au Zud West quart a l'West la 
nuict le vent se fit si grand que nous ne peusmes porter 
que nostre grand voille demi-amayner. 

Le Dimanche troiziesme bon vent du Nord West 
nostre cours Zud West quart au Zud a midy nous 
eusmes 48 degrés et 8 minutes de hauteur au soir vint 
vn calme qui dura toute la nuict. 

Le Lundy quatriesme le vent Zud quart a l'West qui 
nous fit courre West quart au Zud a midy nous eusmes 
47 degrés 57 minutes de hauteur au soir il se changea 
au Zud West qui nous fit loueer. 

Le Mardy cincquiesme le vent Nord West nostre 
cours Zud West quart au Zud et Zud Zud West a midy 
nous eusmes 46 degrés 40 minutes sur les trois heures 
nous vismes un nauire au Zud Ost de nous nous le 
cachasmes jusques a la nuict qui nous le fit perdre 
nostre Maistre le vouloit poursuivre non obstant la 
nuict et le gré du Pilite mais enfin nous eusmes nostre 
cours au Zud West. 

Le Mercredy sixiesme le vent Nord nostre cours Zud 
Zud West a midy nous eusmes la hauteur de 44 degrés 
27 minutes au soir nous mismes le Cap au Zud puis 
après Zud quart a l'Ost. 



[ 200 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

On Saturday the 2nd day of September the same 1623 
wind, but so strong that we were obliged to furl our ^^P^^^^^^ ^ 
topsails — our course South West, then West South 
West. In the evening we laid our course to the South 
West a quarter West. At night the wind was so 
strong that we could only carry our mainsail half 
hauled up. 

On Sunday the 3rd — a fair wind from the North 
West — our course South West a quarter South. At 
midday we were in latitude 48 degrees 8 minutes; in 
the evening it fell calm, which lasted all night. 

On Monday the 4th the wind South a quarter West, 
which made us run West a quarter South. At midday 
we were in latitude 47 degrees 57 minutes. In the even- 
ing the wind changed to the South West, which caused 
us to tack. 

On Tuesday the 5th the wind North West — our 
course South West a quarter South, and South South 
West. At midday we were in North latitude 46 degrees 
40 minutes. At 3 o'clock we sighted a vessel to the 
South East of us. We gave chase till nightfall, and 
then lost her. Our Master was anxious to pursue her 
in spite of the night and the wish of the Pilot; but 
finally we continued our course to the South West. 

On Wednesday the 6th the wind North — our course 
South South West. At midday we were in latitude 44 
degrees 27 minutes. In the evening we put the ship's 
head to the Southward, then afterwards South a quar- 
ter East. 

[ 201 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1623 Le Jeudy septiesme le vent Wet West Zud West 
7 Septembre' rostre cours Zud et Zud quart a l'Ost nous eusmes la 
veue du Cap de Finisterra a midy nous nous trouu- 
asmes auoir 43 degrés 25 minutes de hauteur sur le soir 
nous mismes le cap au Zud Zud Ost pour ranger les 
costes d'Espagne. 

Le Vrendredy huictiesme nous eusmes la veue d'un 
nauire au Zud Ost de nous qui couroit vers Bayonne 
d'Espagne nous le poursuivismes a force de rames a 
cause du calme nous trouuasmes l'ayant attaint que 
cestoit vn Anglois des Isles de Jarsay qui venoit de 
Terre neuue nostre Maistre fut a son bord qui apporta 
oultre quelque prouision forces hardes prises dans les 
coffres des matelots que nostre capitaine et le Pilote 
firent rendre sur les deux heures appres plusieurs con- 
testations entre le Maistre et Pilote prouenantes de ce 
que nostre diet Maistre contre sa charge mettant en 
arrière son voyage voulloit toujours suiure les costes 
nous mismes nostre cours au Zud Zud West. 

Le Samedy neufîesme deux heures auant iour nous 
fusmes rancontré d'un nauire Turc qui nous suiuit 
iusques au iour a lapproche il nous tira vn coup de 
canon pour nous faire amayner mais voyant que nous 
n'en voullions rien faire et que nous estions aussi forts 
que luy il nous quitta a midy nous eusmes la hauteur 
de trente neuf degrés et 58 minutes le vent Nord Nord 
West nostre cours Zud Zud West et Zud West quart au 
Zud. 

Le Dimanche dixiesme nous eusmes le vent Nord 
nostre cours comme devant a midy nous eusmes la 
hauteur de 37 degrés 52 minutes. 

[ 202 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

On Thursday the 7th the wind West, West South 1623 
West — our course South and South a quarter East. ^^P*'^'^°" 7 
We sighted Cape Finisterre. At midday we found we 
were in latitude 43 degrees 25 minutes. In the evening 
we put the ship's head to the South South East to sail 
close to the coast of Spain. 

On Friday the 8th we sighted a vessel to the South 
East of us running towards Spanish Bayonne. .We 
pursued it with oars because of the calm, and found 
upon reaching it that it was an Englishman of the 
Island of Jersey, coming from Newfoundland. Our 
master boarded her and brought away, besides some 
provisions, much clothing taken from the sailors' 
chests, which our Captain and the Pilot caused to be 
returned. About 2 o'clock, after several disputes 
between the Master and the Pilot because our said 
Master, contrary to his orders, would delay the voy- 
age by hugging the coast, we laid our course South 
South West. 

On Saturday the 9th, two hours before daybreak, 
we were met by a Turkish vessel which followed us till, 
daylight. As she approached, she fired a cannon in 
order to make us lower our sails, but seeing that we 
would not and that we were as strong as she was, she 
left us. At noon we were in latitude 39 degrees and 
58 minutes, the wind North North West — our 
course South South West and South West a quarter 
South. 

On Sunday the loth we had a North wind, our 
course as before. At noon we were in latitude 37 
degrees 52 minutes. 

[ 203 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

X623 Le Lundy vnzieme le vent fut Nord Nord Ost mais 
// Septembre £qj.^ petit nostre cours comme dessus Zud Zud West et 
Zud West quart au Zud a midy nous nous trouuasmes 
335 degrés 42 minutes de hauteur. 

Le Mardy douziesme le vent West Zud West qui 
nous fit courre Zud quart a l'Ost a midy nous trou- 
uasmes que nous estions a 34 degrés 34 minutes de 
hauteur. 

Le Mercredy treziesme le vent Zud West nostre 
cours comme dessus a midy nous eusmes la hauteur 
de 32 degrés 40 minutes a ceste heure le vent se fit 
West nostre cours Zud West quart a l'West a 6 heures 
le vent fut West quart au Nord nostre cours Zud West. 

Le Jeudy quatorziesme le vent Nord Nord Ost nostre 
cours Zud West a midy nous eusmes la hauteur de 31 
degrés 54 minutes vers le soir le vent se fit Nord ce iour 
le Maquereau qui auoit toujours esté auecq nous nous 
quitta prenant son cours vers Nieu Nederland. 

Le Vandredy quinziesme bon vent du Nord Ost nous 
mismes nostre cours au Zud quart a l'West pour passer 
a l'Ost des Isles Saluages que nous vismes enuiron les 
vnze heures a midy nous eusmes 30 degrés 1 5 minutes 
de hauteur estant a l'Ost dicelles nous mismes le cap 
au Zud pour courir vers Tenerife courant toute la 
nuict a petites voiles a minuit nous mismes vent en 
panne pour attendre le iour. 



[ 204 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

On Monday the nth the wind was North North 1623 
East but very slight — our course as above South ^^P^^^^" " 
South West and South West a quarter South. At noon 
we found ourselves in latitude 35 degrees 42 minutes. 

On Tuesday the 12th the wind West South West, 
which made us run South a quarter East. At midday 
we found that we were in latitude 34 degrees 34 min- 
utes. 

On Wednesday the 13 th the wind South West, our 
course as above. At noon we were in latitude 32 de- 
grees 40 minutes. At this time the wind was West, 
our course South West a quarter West. At 6 o'clock 
the wind was West a quarter North, our course South 
West. 

On Thursday the 14th the wind North North East, 
our course South West. At noon we were in latitude 3 1 
degrees 54 minutes. Towards the evening the wind 
shifted North. This day the Mackerel, who had been 
with us all the time, left us, taking her course towards 
New Netherland. 

On Friday the 1 5th a favorable wind from the North 
East. We sailed to the South a quarter West, in order 
to pass to the East of the Savage Islands,^ which we 
sighted about 1 1 o'clock. At noon we were in latitude 
30 degrees 15 minutes. Being to the East of those 
islands, we put the ship's head to the South towards 
TenerifFe, running all night under close sail. At mid- 
night we hove to in order to await the day. 

^ Désertas Island, part of the Madeira group. 
[ 205 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1623 Le Salmedy sixiesme a soleil leué nous vismes le 
16 Septembre haulte Isle de Teneriffe deuant nous au Zud nous 
courusmes le long dicelle a la coste du le vent 

estant Nord Ost a vne heure appres midy nous vismes 
le Pic de Gerrachique le sommet duquel paroissoit fort 
a descouuert il sembloit passer de la moitié de sa hau- 
teur les plus hautes uues a 3 heures nous estions au 
droit de la ville de Guerrachique sise au pied des mon- 
tagnes en vne plaine qui est entre la mer et icelles a la 
pointe occidentale de l'Isle nous mismes au Nord West 
vers La Palma a 4 heures nous vismes l'isle de Gomera 
a rWest Zud West de nous au soir le vent se renforça 
tellement qu'il nous fallut amainer nos bourcets et 
courir Zud Zud West. 

Le Dimanche dixseptiesme continuant mesme vent 
nous vismes Ferro au Nord de nous a midy nous eusmes 
la haute^ de 26 degrés 49 minutes nostre cours Zud 
Zud West de nuict nous prismes la hauteur au dard du 
Sagitaire et eusmes 25 degrés 30 minutes. 

Le Lundy dixhuitiesme le vent fut Ost Nord Ost 
nostre cours comme dessus a midy nous eusmes 24 de- 
grés 43 minutes a cet heure nous vismes deux nauires a 
rWest Zud West de nous les ayans approchés voyant 
que cestoient deux grands nauires qui nous attandoient 
nous reprismes nostre cours ce jour nous vismes les 
premiers poissons voUans. 



[ 206 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

On Saturday the i6th at sunrise we saw the lofty 1623 
Island of Teneriffe ahead of us to the South. We ran ^'P^'^^^' ^^ 
the length of it to the coast of the wind being 

North East. At one o'clock in the afternoon we saw 
the peak of Garachico,^ the top of which stood out 
boldly and seemed to be half as high again as the highest 
peaks in sight. At 3 o'clock we were to the right of 
the town of Garachico, situated at the foot of the moun- 
tains in a plain lying between them and the sea. At 
the west point of the Island we put about to the North 
West towards Palma. At 4 o'clock we saw the Island 
of Gomera to the West South West of us. In the even- 
ing the wind grew so strong that we were obliged to 
lower our lug sails and to run South South West. 

On Sunday the 17th, the same wind continuing, we 
saw Ferro to the North of us. At midday we were in 
latitude 26 degrees 49 minutes, our course South 
South West. At night we calculated the latitude by 
the arrow of Sagittarius and found it 25 degrees 30 
minutes. 

On Monday the i8th the wind was East North 
East, our course as above. At noon we were in 24 de- 
grees 43 minutes North latitude. At that time we 
sighted two ships to the West South West of us. Hav- 
ing approached them and seen that they were both 
large ships and were waiting for us, we resumed our 
course. This day we saw the first flying fish. 

^ In 1706 a stream of lava flowed down the side of this 
peak and nearly filled up the harbor of Garachico, men- 
tioned below. 

[ 207 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1623 Le Mardy dixneufiesme tombèrent au matin force 

iQ Septembre poissons vollans en nostre nauire a midy nous nous 

trouuasmes a 22 degrés 55 minutes ayants passe le 

Tropicq le vent Nord Ost nostre cours comme dessus 

Le Mercredy vingtiesme mesme vent et fort qui nous 
fît beaucoup auancer a midy nous eusmes 19 degrés 55 
minutes nous mismes nostre cours au Zud quart a 
l'West. 

Le Jeudy vingt uniesme mesme vent et mesme cours 
nous eusmes a midy 17 degrés 45 minutes. 

Le Vrendredy ne voyant point l'isle de Sal sur la- 
quelle nous estimions courir nous mismes le cap a l'Ost 
Zud Ost et sur les neuf heures Zud West quart a l'West 
pour la trouuer a cause que les chartes de nostre 
Maistre et Pilote estoient différentes de 25 lieues Ost 
et West. 

Le Salmedy vingt troiziesme nous courusmes West 
quart au Nord pour ce que nous croyons estre au Zud 
des Isles de nuict nous anions couru Zud quart a l'Ost et 
puis Zud West a Vnxe heure nous vismes au Nord West 
quart a l'West de nous vne Isle que nous trouuasmes 
estre Bona vista vers laquelle nous courusmes ceste 
Isle est fort montagneuse et enuironnée de rochers en 
mer Sans aucun haure n'y rade pour anchre au soir 
nous nous trouuasmes vis a vis dune Baye au coste 
du de lisle nous courusmes en mer pour la nuict. 

Le Dimanche vingt quatriesme nous courusmes vers 

[ 208 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

On Tuesday the 19th a great many flying fish fell 1623 
into our ship. At noon we found ourselves in latitude ^^P^^^^^ ^9 
22 degrees 55 minutes, having passed the Tropic. The 
wind North East — our course as above. 

On Wednesday the 20th the same wind and strong, 
which caused us to make great progress. At noon we 
were in latitude 19 degrees 55 minutes and took our 
course South a quarter West. 

On Thursday the 21st the same wind and the same 
course. At noon we were in latitude 17 degrees 45 
minutes. 

On Friday, not seeing the Island of Sal, toward 
which we reckoned we were running, we steered East 
South East and about 9 o'clock South West a quarter 
West in order to find it, as the charts of our Master 
and Pilot differed by 25 leagues East and West. 

On Saturday the 23 rd we ran West a quarter North 
because we thought we were at the South of the Is- 
lands. During the night we had run South a quarter 
East and then South West. At 11 o'clock we saw to 
the North West a quarter West of us an island which 
we found to be Buena Vista, towards which we ran. 
This island is very mountainous and surrounded with 
rocks in the sea, without any harbor or roadstead for 
anchorage. In the evening we found ourselves opposite 
a bay on the coast of the of the island. We 

stood out to sea for the night. 

On Sunday the 24th we ran towards the said bay, 
[ 209 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1623 la dite Baye espérant y anchrer mais nous n'y trouu- 
24 Septembre asmes nul fond propre pour anchrer La Baye est 
diuise en deux par vne Isle chescune partie dicelle peut 
auoir enuiron demie lieue nous mis mes pied a terre 
auecq nostre cheloupe en la partie d auecq 

grand peril car nostre cheloupe fut emplie des brisures 
de la coste deux ou trois fois nous trouuasmes l'isle du 
tout sterille sans arbres ny beaucoup d'herbe les mon- 
tagnes estoient couuertes de pommes de Colocinte il 
n'y a avoit nul rafraîchissement estant de retour nous 
entrasmes dans lautre partie mais n'y ayant non plus 
trouué de fond qu'en lautre et mesme ayant failli à 
toucher sur vn bancq nous courusmes autour lisle tant 
que le vent nous peut porter et puis nous mismes le 
cap au Zud West quart a IWest courant ainsi toute la 
nuict dun fort vent de Nord Ost. 

Le Lundy vingt cincquiesme a la pointe du jour 
nous nous trouuasmes au Nord Ost de l'isle de Sainct 
Jacques enuiron deux lieues vers laquelle nous cour- 
usmes nous voyons lisle de May a lOst quart au Zud de 
nous la coste de lisle de Sainct Jacques lOst audict Zud 
Ost puis elle senclinoit vers IWest quart au Nord et 
Zud West en fin nous la vismes sestandie Zud Zud Ost 
au costé du l'W nous vismes vne Baye en rond enui- 
ronnee comme le coste de lisle de fort hautes montagnes 
au costé du Nord de la Baye il y auoit vne belle prairie 
dune lieue de long qui sestandoit de la mer aux mon- 
tagnes et au bout vers le Nord dicelle prairie vn vilage 
au Zud la prairie estoit toute pleine de vaches de les 



[ 210 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

hoping to anchor there, but we found no suitable 1623 
bottom for anchoring. The bay is divided in two by September 24 
an island, each part being about half a league [wide]. 
We landed with our pinnace [longboat] in the part 
with great danger, for our pinnace was filled 
two or three times by the breakers from the shore. 
We found the island quite barren, without trees or 
much grass; the mountains were covered with colo- 
cinth apples,^ and there were no refreshing fruits. On 
our return we ran into the other part [of the Bay] 
but having found no better bottom there and having 
just missed grounding on a bank, we ran around the 
island as long as the wind would carry us, and then 
steered to the South West a quarter West, running 
thus all night with a strong North East wind. 

On Monday the 25th at daybreak we found our- 
selves North East of the Island of Santiago about two 
leagues distant, towards which we ran. We saw the 
Island of Mayo to the East a quarter South of us, the 
coast of the Island of Santiago East South East, then 
it inclined towards the West a quarter North and 
South West; at last we saw it stretching out South 
South East, On the west side we saw a round bay 
surrounded like the coast of the island by very high 
mountains; on the north side of the bay there was a 
beautiful meadow a league long which stretched from 
the sea to the mountains, and at the end towards the 
north of this meadow was a village. On the South the 

^ Doubtless the Colocinthis, Wild Citrull, or Coloquintida 
of the old herbalists. Gerarde says, "It cometh to perfec- 
tion in hot regions." It belongs to the Cucumber or Melon 
Family and was valued as a violent purge. 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1623 montagnes de Bourgs au coste du Zud de la Baye y 
25 Sepumbre ^^oit vn autre vilage auecq vn temple scitué au pied 
des montagnes sur vn tertre plat séparé des montagnes 
par vne valée il sembloit que ce fust vne ville tant la 
nature y auoit sceu former vn relief comme vn rem- 
part la Baye peut auoir vne lieue de large au Zud 
West dicelle nous voyons l'isle de Fogo nostre Maistre 
devalla a terre auecq sept hommes il parla aux nègres 
qui luy promirent apporter des refraichissemens qui fit 
que nous entrasmes en la Baye nous enchrant a la portée 
dune petite piece sur 8 brasses nous hallant au dedans 
iusques a la portée dun pistolet ou nous iettasmes 
lanchre sur 3 brasses. 

Le Mardy vingt sixiesme nous devallasmes derechef 
a terre parler au Nègres qui nous promirent de nous ap- 
porter ce iour des boucs et (autres) rafraichissement 
nous prismes de leau et du bois dans vn jardin au bord 
de la Baye. 

Le Mercredy nous prismes la hauteur auecq lastrol- 
abe et trouuasmes 14 degrés 30 minutes ce iour voyant 
que les Nègres nous auoient trompe et qu'ils auoient 
retiré leurs vaches aux montagnes nous fismes voille 
courant Zud West quart au Zud le Vent estant Nord 
Ost au soir le vent se changea Zud Ost. 

Le Jeudy vingt huictiesme au matin nous nous 
trouuasme entre Fogo et la Braue ayant lune au Nord 
et l'autre a l'West elles sont distantes l'une de l'autre 
denuiron cincq lieues encore que les Chartes les mettent 
a dix la Braue ne contient guerre que la moitié de lautre 

[ 212 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

meadow was full of cows from the Bourg mountains. 1623 
On the South side of the bay there was another village ^^f '<''«*"' 25 
with a church situated at the foot of the mountains on 
a level hillock separated from the mountains by a 
valley. It almost appeared to be a walled city so 
amazingly had nature supplied it with a seeming ram- 
part. The bay may be about one league in width. To 
the South West of the same we saw the Island of Fogo. 
Our Master landed with seven men. He spoke to the 
negroes, who promised to bring him provisions, which 
induced us to enter the bay and to anchor in eight 
fathoms within the range of a small piece [cannon], 
hauling ourselves up to within pistol shot, where we 
dropped anchor in three fathoms. 

On Tuesday the 26th we again landed to speak to 
the negroes, who promised to bring us this day some 
goats and other provisions. We took in* water and 
wood in a garden on the edge of the bay. 

On Wednesday we calculated the latitude with the 
astrolabe and found 14 degrees, 30 minutes. This day, 
seeing that the negroes had deceived us and that they 
had taken away their cows to the mountains, we set 
sail, running South West a quarter South, the wind 
being North East. In the evening the wind changed 
to South East. 

On Thursday the 28th in the morning we found our- 
selves between Fogo and Brava, having the one to the 
North and the other to the West. They are distant 
from one another about five leagues, yet the charts 
place them at ten. Brava is only about half the size of 

[ 213 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1623 a cet heure nous mismes nostre cours Zud West quart 

28 Sepumbre ^ l'West le vent fort variable tantost Zud Ost tantost 

Nord Ost a midy nous eusmes 13 degrés 43 minutes de 

hauteur de nuict le vent se calma puis il se changea 

au Zud qui nous fit courre West Zud West. 

Le Vrendredy vingt neufiesme le vent fut Nord Ost 
nostre cours Zud West et peu appres Zud West quart a 
l'West ce jour nous eusmes 12 degrés 26 minutes de 
hauteur. 

Le Salmedy trentiesme le vent se fit Ost et fort 
nostre cours comme dessus a midy nous eusmes 1 1 de- 
grés iustes. 

I Octobre Le Dimanche premier iour d'Octobre le vent fut fort 
variable et en fin il se fit Zud Zud West et fort nous 
courusmes West quart au Zud a midy nous eusmes 10 
degrés 30 minutes de hauteur au soir le vent se changea 
au Zud Zud Ost nostre cours Zud West la nuict il se 
calma. 

Le Lundy second iour d'October a cincq heures du 
matin le vent fut Nord Ost nostre cours Zud West a 
midi nous eusmes 10 degrés 15 minutes au soir le vent 
se fit Nord Nord Ost puis après Nord et asses fort 
nostre cours Zud West quart a l'West. 

Le Mardy troiziesme le vent Nord Ost nostre cours 
Zud West quart a l'West a midy nous eusmes 9 degrés 



[ 214 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

Fogo. We now took our course South West, a quarter 1623 
West, the wind very changeable, sometimes South ^^P^^^^^ 28 
East, sometimes North East. At noon we were in lati- 
tude 13 degrees, 43 minutes. During the night the 
wind dropped, then changed to the South, which 
caused us to run West South West. 

On Friday the 29th the wind was North East — our 
course South West, and shortly afterwards South 
West a quarter West. This day we reached latitude 
12 degrees 26 minutes. 

On Saturday the 30th the wind was East and strong, 
our course as above. At noon we were in exactly 11 
degrees. 

On Sunday the 1st day of October the wind was October i 
very changeable but at last South South West and 
strong. We ran West a quarter South. By noon we 
were in latitude 10 degrees 30 minutes. In the evening 
the wind changed to the South South East — our 
course South West; at night it dropped. 

On Monday the second of October at 5 o'clock in 
the morning the wind was North East — our course 
South West. At noon we were in 10 degrees 15 min- 
utes. In the evening the wind was North North East, 
then afterwards North and rather strong; our course 
South West a quarter West. 

On Tuesday the 3rd the wind North East — our 
course South West a quarter West. At noon we were 
in 9 degrees 20 minutes. During the night the wind 

[2-5] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

J623 20 minutes de nuict le vent se calma par fois pluyes et 
3 Octobre bourasques du Nord et Nord Nord Ost. 

Le Mercredy quatriesme le vent Ost Nord Ost nostre 
cours comme deuant nous eusmes a midy 8 degrés 20 
minutes de hauteur. 

Le Jeudy cincquiesme le vent Nord Ost quart a 
l'Ost mesme cours que deuant a midy nous eusmes 7 
degrés 20 minutes de hauteur au soir appres vn calme 
il se fit Zud West quart a l'West et fort qui nous fit 
courre auecq nos basses voilles West Nord West. 

Le Vrendredy sixiesme continuant le mesme vent 
nous changeasmes nostre cours Zud Ost quart a l'Ost 
a midy nous trouuasmes 7 degrés de hauteur et 40 
minutes de sorte que nous anions perdu 20 minutes au 
soir le vent se fit Zud et peu appres Zud quart a l'West 
si fort que nous ne peusmes porter que nostre grand 
voille courant West Zud West. 

Le Samedy septiesme le vent Zud West nostre cours 
West quart au No^d nous eusmes a midy 7 degrés 20 
minutes sur le soir appres vne trauade il se fit West qui 
nous fit courre West quart au Zud de nuict il fut fort 
variable auecq forces pluyes. 

Le Dimanche huictiesme au matin se leua vn petit 
vent du Zud Ost mais il se calma peu après a midy 
nous eusmes 7^ degrés 30 minutes la nuict force pluyes 
et trauades 

* Not clear; either 6 or 7, probably 7. 

[ 216] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

dropped; — now and then rain and squalls from the 1623 
North and North North East. ^'^^" ^ 

On Wednesday the 4th the wind East North East — 
our course as before. At noon we were in latitude 8 
degrees 20 minutes. 

On Thursday the 5th the wind North East a quarter 
East — the same course as before. At noon we were in 
latitude 7 degrees 20 minutes. In the evening after a 
calm the wind became South West a quarter West and 
strong, which enabled us to run, under main and fore- 
sail, West North West. 

On Friday the 6th, the same wind continuing, we 
changed our course South East a quarter East. At 
noon we found ourselves in 7 degrees 40 minutes so 
that we had lost 20 minutes. In the evening the wind 
was South, and shortly afterwards South a quarter 
West and so strong that we could carry only our main- 
sail, running West South West. 

On Saturday the 7th the wind South West — our 
course West a quarter North. At noon we were in 7 
degrees 20 minutes. Towards the evening, after a 
hurricane, the wind shipped West, which made us run 
West a quarter South. During the night it was very 
changeable with much rain. 

On Sunday the 8th in the morning a slight wind 
arose from the South East but dropped shortly after. 
At noon we were in 7 degrees 30 minutes. At night 
much rain and several hurricanes. 

[ 217 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1623 Le Lundy neufiesme le vent fut Nord Ost et peu 
ç Octobre ^pres Ost Nord Ost enfin Ost et asses fort qui nous 
auanca fort a midy nous eusmes 6 degrés 30 minutes 
nostre cours Zud West. 

Le Mardy dixiesme le vent Zud Ost et Zud Zud Ost 
nostre cours Zud West quart a l'West a midy nous 
eusmes 5 degrés 58 minutes la nuict le vent et nostre 
cours fort variables force pluyes et trauades. 

Le Mercredy vnziesme le vent fut Zud nostre cours 
Zud West quart a l'West a midy nous eusmes 5 de- 
grés 15 minutes. 

Le Jeudy douziesme le vent Zud quart a l'Ost nostre 
cours Zud West a midy nous eusmes 4 degrés 37 min- 
utes de hauteur ce jour nous prismes une haye qui 
auoit sept pieds de long elle auoit ses petits viuans en 
son ventre nous trouuasmes a son ventre un petit 
poisson de la grandeur dun petit haran attache a iceluy 
par le dessus de la teste (qu '1 auoit platte et faite en 
forme de lune) layant mis dans vne tonne vuide il en 
sortit saydant du dessus de la teste. 

Le Vrendredy treiziesme le vent Ost Zud Ost nostre 
cours Zud West a midy nous eusmes 4 degrés 15 min- 
utes de hauteur. 



[218] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

On Monday the 9th the wind was North East and 1623 
shortly afterwards East North East; at last East and 0'^^°^''' 9 
fairly strong, which sent us well forward. At noon we 
were in 6 degrees 30 minutes — our course South West. 

On Tuesday the loth, the wind South East and 
South South East — our course South West a quarter 
West. At noon we were in 5 degrees 58 minutes. At 
night the wind and our course very changeable ; much 
rain and hurricanes. 

On Wednesday the nth the wind was South — our 
course South West a quarter West. At noon we were in 
5 degrees 15 minutes. 

On Thursday the 12th the wind South a quarter 
East — our course South West. At noon we were in 
latitude 4 degrees 37 minutes. This day we caught a 
shark which was 7 feet long; it had its young alive in 
its belly. Attached to its belly we found a fish, the 
size of a small herring, fastened to it by the top of its 
head, which was flat and moon-shaped.^ We put it 
into an empty barrel, but it came out of it climbing up 
by the top of its head. 

On Friday the 13th the wind East South East — 
our course South West. At noon we were in latitude 4 
degrees 15 minutes. 

^ Doubtless the echeneis rémora, or a West Indian species 
of the same genus, — the Rémora of Pliny and the old writ- 
ers, once popularly known as the "stay-fish," and fabled 
to have the power of stopping the living creature or ship to 
which it clings. 

[ 219 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

J623 Le Samedy quatorziesme mesme vent et mesme 
J4 Octobre ^ours nous eusmes a midy 3 degrés 7 minutes de hau- 
teur le vent se calma sur les deux heures durant lequel 
nous vismes le courant Nord. 

Le Dimanche quinziesme le vent se fit Zud Ost quart 
a l'Ost nostre cours Zud West quart a l'West a midy 
nous eusmes 2 degrés 43 minutes de hauteur. 

Le Lundy sexiesme le vent Zud Ost et appres Ost 
Zud Ost nostre cours West Zud West pour entrer en la 
Riuiere des Amasones a midy nous eusmes i degré 35 
minutes a cete heure nous eusmes la veue d'un nauire 
qui venoit la mesme route que nous l'ayant ioinct nous 
trouuasmes que c'estoit Pieter Janss de Flixingues qui 
estoit parti deuant nous de Pleimouth nous prismes 
ensemble nostre cours a l'West quart au Zud au soir 
nous vismes encore l'estoile du Nord. 

Le Mardy dixseptiesme le vent Ost quart au Zud 
nostre cours West quart au Zud a midy nous eusmes i 
degré 5 minutes de hauteur. 

Le Mercredi dixhuictiesme mesme vent et mesmes 
cours a midy nous eusmes 47 minutes de hauteur a 
cete heure nous mismes le cap au Zud West quart au 
Zud. 

Le Jeudy dixneufiesme le vent Ost nostre cours 
comme deuant nous eusmes a midy 35 minutes a cete 



[ 220 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

On Saturday the 14th the same wind and the same 1623 
course. At noon we were in latitude 3 degrees 7 min- <^<^'o*^'" H 
utes. The wind dropped towards 2 o'clock, during 
which we saw the northern current.^ 

On Sunday the 15th the wind was South East a 
quarter East — our course South West a quarter 
West. At noon we were in latitude 2 degrees 43 min- 
utes. 

On Monday the i6th the wind South East and af- 
terwards East South East — our course West South 
West, in order to enter the River Amazons. ^ At noon 
we reached i degree 35 minutes. At this time we 
caught sight of a ship which was coming the same way. 
Having joined it, we found it was Pieter Jansz of 
Flushing, who left Plymouth before us. We went on 
together, our course to the West a quarter South. In 
the evening we again saw the North Star. 

On Tuesday the 17th the wind East a quarter South 
— our course West a quarter South. At noon we were 
but I degree 5 minutes north of the Line. 

On Wednesday the i8th the same wind and the same 
course. At noon we were but 47 minutes. We now 
steered South West a quarter South. 

On Thursday the 19th the wind East — our course 
as before. At noon we were North 35 minutes. We 

^ Which later joins the Gulf Stream. 
^ Defoe in Robinson Crusoe, 17 19, uses a similar form, 
speaking of "the river Amazones. '' 

[ 221 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guian 

1623 heure nous vismes leau blanchir nous trouuasmes fond a 
iç Octobre 23 brasscs qui nous fit courre West a 3 heures nous son- 
dasmes le fond a lo brasses fond sablonneux au soir 
nous trouuasmes 8 brasses qui nous fit courre W quart 
au Nord a miniut nous mismes au Nord West pour 
gasgner le cap de Nord deux heures appres nous en- 
chrasmes sur 7 brasses fond sablonneux. 

Le Vrendredy vingtiesme a 6 heures du matin nous 
leuasmes lanchre le vent Ost courant Nord West a 
midy nous eusmes i degré 53 min. de hauteur 2 heures 
après nous vismes le Cap de Nord a l'West Nord West 
de nous terre basse et noyée nous anions employe 50 
jours despuis que nous estions partis de Pleimouth. 
nous courusmes vers la coste qui entre dans l'Amazone 
laquelle court Zud Zud West la rangeant tousiours a 
8, 7, on 5 brasses deau nous vismes bien tost la premiere 
Isle vers laquelle nous courusmes estant au droit 
dicelle nous enchrasmes enuiron son milieu. 

Le Samedy vingt et vniesme nous leuasmes lanchre 
rangeant la coste de l'isle de si près qu'on eust peu 
facillement letter sur icelle vne pierre ce que nous 
fismes passant le long des autres mais non pas de si 
près iusques a ce questant venu au droict de la Riuiere 
de nous trauersames vers lisle de Sapno courant 

vers le vilage ce village a trois longues maisons basties 
sur de hauts peteaux au bord de la riuiere. Les Maraons 
Indiens nous dirent que les Espagnols estoient en la 
riuiere et qu'ils auoient pris vn nauire de Hollande 
vers Sapanopoke ce qui nous fit poursuiure appres 
auoir traite quelque rafraichissemens mais Pieter 

[ 222 ] 




BLAEUW'S MAP Of- GUIANA, I 635 

Inth/ Lenox Collection, New Y„k Public Library 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

now noticed the water shew pale and found the bottom 1623 
at 23 fathoms, which made us run West. At 3 o'clock <^^^°^^'' ^9 
we sounded and found 10 fathoms, sandy bottom; in 
the evening we' found 8 fathoms, which made us run 
West a quarter North; at midnight we put to the 
North West to reach the North Cape; ^ and two hours 
afterwards we anchored in 7 fathoms, sandy bottom. 

On Friday the 20th at 6 o'clock in the morning we 
weighed anchor — the wind East — running North 
West. At noon we were in latitude i degree 53 min- 
utes North. Two hours afterwards we saw the North 
Cape to the West North West of us, land low and 
overflowed. It was 50 days since we had left Plymouth. 
We made for the side which projects into the Amazon, 
and trends South South West, coasting all the time in 
8, 7, or 5 fathoms of water. Very soon we saw the first 
island, towards whioh we ran and keeping to the right 
of it anchored about the middle. 

On Saturday the 21st we weighed anchor, coasting 
along the island, so near that one could easily throw a 
stone upon it, which we did, also passing by the others 
but not so near, until having come to the right of the 
River of we crossed towards the Island of 

Sapno, making for the village. This village has three 
long houses built on high piles on the edge of the river. 
The Maraons Indians told us that the Spaniards were 
up the river and that they had taken a Dutch ship near 
Sapanopoke, which set us pursuing them, after hav- 
ing obtained some fresh provisions; but Pieter Jansz 

^ So on the old maps; now always Capo do Norte. It is 
in Brazil a short distance north of the mouth of the Amazon. 

[ 223 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1623 Janss seschoua sur vn sable qui est a l'Ost du village 
21 Octobre enuiron deux traits de mousquet ce qui nous contraignit 
danchrer. 

Le Dimanche Pieter Janss enuoya sa chelouppe vers 
Sapanopoke a la marée nous leuasmes l'anchre mais 
Pieter Janss seschoua derechef. 

Le Lundy nous leuasmes derechef l'anchre voyant 
que Pieter Janss nous faisoit consommer le temps ex- 
près pour donner loisir a sa cheloupe de traiter auecq 
les Anglois et Hirlandois nous courusmes Zud Ost vers 
une petite Isle entre Sapno et Quariane la rangeant 
de Sapno fort peu a cause du bancq de sable qui vient 
de la pointe de Wetalj de la nous courusmes Zud Zud 
West vers l'isle d'Arouen mais Pieter Janss seschoua 
sur vn sable qui vient de la pointe du Nord de lisle 
d'Arouen nous passasme plus bas dans vn grand cou- 
rant a 2 brasses d'eau nous fusmes nous enchrer enuiron 
le milieu de ladite isle deuant vn village. 

Le Mardy vingt quatriesme Pieter Janss nous vint 
trouuer a la marée nous leuasmes lanchre rangeant la 
coste de lisle mais comme de lextremite dicelle nous 
vouUions passer vers la terre ferme Pieter Janss 
s'eschoua derechef nous retournasmes derechef ranger 
les Isles nous enchrant a l'W quart au Zud de Cocqs 
Eyland. 

Le Mercredy vingtcincquiesme nous fusmes enchres 
a lOst quart au Nord de Rooden hoec 



[ 224 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

grounded himself on a sand-bank to the East of the 1623 
village about two musket shots off, which forced us to ^<^^°^^'" ^^ 
anchor. 

On Sunday Pieter Jansz sent his pinnace towards 
Sapanopoke. At high tide we weighed anchor but 
Pieter Jansz ran aground again. 

On Monday we weighed anchor again, seeing that 
Pieter Jansz was making us waste time on purpose to 
give his pinnace an opportunity to trade with the 
English and Irish. We ran South East towards a little 
island between Sapno and Quariane, not coasting near 
Sapno by reason of the sand-bank which comes from 
the point of Wetalj.^ From there we ran South South 
West towards the Island of Arouen, but Pieter Jansz 
ran his boat on a sand-bank which comes from the 
north point of the Island of Arouen. We passed lower 
down in a strong current of 2 fathoms of water, and 
came to anchor half-way down the said island before a 
village. 

On Tuesday the 24th Pieter Jansz came to find us. 
At high tide we weighed anchor, coasting along the 
shore of the island, but when we wished to pass from 
the extremity of that island to the mainland Pieter 
Jansz ran aground again, and we returned to coast 
along the islands, anchoring West a quarter South of 
Cocqs Island. 

On Wednesday the 25th we were anchored to the 
East a quarter North of Roohoeck. 

^ Waetali, on Blaeuw's map of "Gviana siue Amazonvm 
regio," 1635. 

[ 225 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1623 Le Jeudy vingtsixiesme nous courusmes vers le diet 
26 Octobre Rooden hoec courant West quart au Zud passant entre 
deux sables mais en approchant la terre ferme nous 
vismes des rochers a vn traict de mousquet dudict 
roden houe qui nous firent retint plus au large nous 
passasmes entre la terre ferme de l'isle de Tapelraka 
par vn canal large de 300 pas ayant 4 et 5 brasses de 
profond lisle de Tapelraka et la terre ferme sont 
esleues par dessus le niueau de leau de plus de 15 pieds 
a lissue du canal nous vismes vne haute isle a l'em- 
boucheure d'une belle et profonde riuiere on nous 
fusmes enchres estimant que ce fust Sapanapoko. 

Le Vrendredy nous sortismes de ladicte riuiere cour- 
ant vers la pointe du Nord de Sapanapoko mais nous 
nous eschouasmes sur vn sable qui est proche de deux 
petites Islettes qui sont entre lisle de Sapanapoko et 
Tapelraka ou nous desmourasmes a sec a la marre nous 
nous mismes a peine a flot et courusme vers le village 
de Sapanapoko rangeant tousiours lisle sur bon fond 
la nous enchrasmes nous trouuasmes Pieter Janss qui 
nous anions laisse eschoué qui auoit desia assemblé les 
Anglois et Hirlandois ils nous assurèrent que Pieter 
Arianss de Flixegue auoit esté attaque dun grand nauire 
espagnol qui auoit 8 pieces de fonte et de 120 préaux 
et que appres auoir combatu vn iour et vne nuict nay- 
ant que 32 hommes et deux petits pieces de canon et 
voyant ne se pouuoir sauuer pour estre eschoué sur 



[ 226 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

On Thursday the 26th we ran towards the said 1623 
Roohoeck, running West a quarter South, passing ^'^'o*''' ^^ 
between two sand-banks; but on approaching the land 
we saw some rocks at the distance of a musket shot 
from the said Roohoeck, which kept us more in the 
offing. We passed between the mainland [and] the 
Island of Tapelraka by a channel 300 paces wide and 
4 and 5 fathoms deep. The Island of Tapelraka and the 
mainland are raised above the level of the water more 
than 15 feet. At the outlet of the channel we saw a 
high island at the mouth of a beautiful and deep river, 
where we anchored, thinking that this was Sapana- 
poko. 

On Friday we came out of the said river, running 
towards the North point of Sapanapoko, but we 
grounded on a sand-bank near two little islands which 
are between the Islands of Sapanapoko and Tapelraka, 
where we lay high and dry. At high tide we barely 
managed to float off, and ran towards the village of 
Sapanapoko, coasting all the time along the island on 
a good bottom. There we anchored. We found that 
Pieter Jansz, whom we had left aground, had already 
assembled the English and Irish. They assured us that 
Pieter Ariansz of Flushing had been attacked by a 
large Spanish ship which had 8 bronze cannon and 120 
matchlocks ^ and that, after fighting for a day and a 
night, having only 32 men and two small pieces of can- 
non and seeing he could not save himself from being 

^ Though considered as hand weapons and carried as 
such, they were too heavy to fire without a rest, and the 
favorite place for such disposition was the battlements of 
walls or the bulwarks of a ship. 

[ 227 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1623 vn sable a lemboucheure d'Okiari il auoit mis le feu 
27 Octobre j^^g son nauire. 

Le Samedy nous montasmes nostra cheloupe. 

Le Lundy [Dimanche] vingt neufiesme nous leuasme 
l'anchre pour aller a Okiari Riuiere ou demouroient les 
Anglois nous passasmes la Ligne equinoxiale qui trau- 
erse vne petite isle qui est entre le vilage de Sapana- 
poko et Caillepoko. 

I Novembre Le Mardy [Mercredi] premier iour de Nouembre 
nous arriuasmes près de Pieter Janss anchre en la 
Riuiere de Tauregne habitation des Hirlandois. 

Le Jeudi nous fusmes enchres deuant la Riuiere 
d'Okiari 40 minutes au Zud de la ligne entre icelle et 
vne Isle qui est au deuant le mesme iour on nous mena 
voir Tilletille habitations des Anglois six lieues dedans 
la dite riuiere et a vne lieue en terre nous le trouuasmes 
asses agréables pour estre vn lieu de campagne parsemée 
de petis bocages et de quelques estangs mais le lieu est 
en la plus part arride. 

Le Salmedy quatriesme nous arriuasmes au nauire 

Le Dimanche cincquiesme on nous mena a Ouar- 
meonaka entre habitations des Angloys cinq lieues plus 
haut que lautre et sur la mesme riuiere cestoit aussi vne 
agréable demeure aux deux places les Anglois auoient 
force champs pour planter le Toubac. 



[ 228 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

run aground on a sand-bank at the mouth of the Oki- 1623 
ari,^ he had set fire to his ship. ^^'°^^'' ^^ 

On Saturday we got our pinnace ready. 

On Monday [Sunday] the 29th we weighed anchor to 
go to Okiari River, where the EngHsh were living. We 
passed the equinoctial line, which crosses a little island 
between the village of Sapanapoko and Caillepoko. 

On Tuesday [Wednesday] the 1st of November we November i 
arrived near Pieter Jansz, anchored in Tauregne ^ 
River, where the Irish live. 



On Thursday we were anchored before Okiari River 
40 minutes to the South of the line, between [the 
river] and an island opposite. The same day we were 
taken to see Tilletille,^ an English settlement six 
leagues within the said river and one league inland. 
We found it an agreeable place, being an open country 
studded with little groves and some small lakes, but 
the place is for the most part arid. 

On Saturday the 4th we arrived at our ship. 

On Sunday the 5th we were taken to Ouarmeonaka 
among the English settlements, five leagues higher 
than the other and on the same river. This also was an 
agreeable site. In both places the English had many 
fields planted with tobacco. 

^ Ocquaiari (Blaeuw, 1635). 
^ Taurege (Blaeuw, 1635). 
3 Tilletelle (Blaeuw, 1635). 

[ 229 ] 



[ournal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1623 Le Alardy septiesme estants de retour au nauire le 
ovem re j^/j^jg^j-g s'enquit de nous si ces lieux nous plaisoient a 
quoy nous repondismes que non pour y planter des 
familles a cause que 1 Espagnol estant desia placé à 
Para duquel lieu il pouuoit aller et venir a layde du 
flux et reflux ou bon luy sembloit en la riuiere des 
Amazones ne manqueroit scachant qu'il y eut des fa- 
milles de les visiter a leur deces de sorte qu'on estimoit 
qu'il valloit mieux aller au long la coste chercher quel- 
que riuiere ou lennemj s'il y venoit de Para ou Maragnon 
ne peut retourner sans aller reprandre le vent aux 
Essores et n'y peut amener d'Indiens. 

Le Jeudy neufîesme de Décembre [Novembre] nous 
partismes d'Okiary pour retourner a Sapanapoko. 

Le Samedy vnziesme nous arriuasmes a Sapanapoko. 

Le Vrendredy dixseptiesme voyant le Maistre qu'il 
ne nous pouuoit laisser ny induire demourer auecq les 
Anglois il deliura aux Anglois 150 Ib de Coucaul et 150 
haches vn baril de poudre de 100 Ib appres auoir faict 
pact auecq eux au nom de la compagnée il leur fit vn 
festin et comme il commanda de tirer le canon et pres- 
sant le cannonier pour cela le canon coupa le Mast de 
nostre cheloupe et blessa trois individus ce qui ammena 



[ 230 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

On Tuesday the 7th, having returned to the ship, 1623 
the Master asked us if these places pleased us, to which ^'o^^mber 7 
we replied No! — not for establishing families there, 
because the Spaniard, being already settled at Para, 
from which place he could come and go as he liked with 
the help of the tides in the River Amazons, if he knew 
there were families there, would not fail to visit them 
to their death; ^ so that it was thought better to go 
along the coast to look for some river to which the 
enemy, if he came there from Para or Maragnon, could 
not return without going to the Azores to pick up the 
wind, and could not bring any Indians. 

On Thursday the 9th of December [November] we 
left Okiari to return to Sapanapoko. 

On Saturday the nth we arrived at Sapanapoko. 

On Friday the 17th the Master, seeing that he 
could neither leave us nor induce us to stay with the 
English, delivered to the English 150 lbs of coucaul,^ 
150 axes, and a barrel of powder containing 100 lbs. 
After having made a compact with them in the name 
of the Company he gave them a feast, and as he or- 
dered that the cannon be fired and hurried the gunner 
to do it, the cannon ball cut the mast of our pinnace 
and wounded three people. This led to a quarrel 

^ That is, to come and kill them. According to the his- 
torian Hartsinck, this the Spaniards did only two years 
later, when they killed nearly all the Dutch colonists on the 
Amazon. 

2 Probably coucaut — cocoa, still one of the staple prod- 
ucts of Guiana. 

[ 231 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

J623 vne querelle du Maistre contre vn Matellot qui luy ap- 
17 Novembre porta ces nouvelles a terre ou ils beuuoient qui s'en 
aggrit iusque la que le diet maistre fut blesse de deux 
coups de couteau et pour le dernier comme foible de 
vin et de sang on lapportoit au nauire il tomba en leau 
ou il falut a noyer. 

Le Salmedy dix huictiesme on raconstra le mast de 
nostre cheloupe. 

Le Dimanche dixneufiesme les Anglois partirent nos- 
tre cheloupe les connoya et porta leur hardes. 

Le Dimanche vingt sixiesme nous iîsmes voille de 
Sapanopoko et vinsmes enchrer a Tapelraka. 

Le Lundy vingt septiesme nous vinsmes enchrer 
deuant roden houe et nous deuala a terre auecq force 
prières nous trouuasmes vn fort beau pays de Cam- 
pagne parsemé de prayrie ou il y auoit de fort bonne 
terre nous trouuasmes force fruits appelles Gujaves qui 
sont de la grosseur d'une petite orange dun fort bon 
goust nous promenant par le pays nous trouuasmes vn 
cymetiere remply de pots de terre de diuerses formes 
et figures et dans iceux des ossemens de morts. 

Le Mardy vingt huitiesme nous trauersasmes de la 
terre ferme vers les Isles ou nous nous eschouasmes 
entre cocqs Eyland et les autres Isles. 

Le Mercredy vingt neuficsme nous enchrasmes 
proche l'isle d'Arouen. 

Le Jeudy dernier de nouembre nous enchrasmes 
deuant le village d'Arouen. 

[ 232 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

between the Master and a sailor who brought him the 1623 
news on shore where they were drinking, which grew ^°^'^^^^^ ^7 
so violent that the said Master was twice wounded 
with a knife. Finally, when they were getting him, 
incapacitated from wine and loss of blood, to the ship, 
he fell into the water and was all but drowned. 

On Saturday the i8th the mast of the pinnace was 
mended. 

On Sunday the 19th the English left, our pinnace 
conveying them and their belongings. 

On Sunday the 26th we set sail from Sapanapoko 
and came to anchor at Tapelraka. 

On Monday the 27th we came to anchor before 
Roohoeck and landed with many prayers. We found a 
very beautiful country covered with meadows, where 
there was very good land. We found much fruit called 
guavas, which are of the size of a small orange with a 
very good flavor. Walking about the country we found 
a cemetery full of earthen pots of different shapes and 
designs and in them bones of the dead. 

On Tuesday the 28th we crossed from the mainland 
towards the islands, where we ran aground between 
Cocqs Island and the other islands. 

On Wednesday the 29th we anchored near Arouen 
Island. 

On Thursday the last day of November we anchored 
opposite the village of Arouen. 

[ 233 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1623 Le Vrendredy Premier de Décembre nous vismes 
I Décembre Jeuant Sapno et delà a nutte muscade Eyland. 

Le Salmedy nous vismes enchrer proche de la der- 
nière Isle 

Le Dimanche troiziesme nous enchrasmes enuiron 
son milieu. 

Le Lundy nous enchrasmes a trois lieues du cap du 
nord. 

Le Mardy cincquiesme nous fusmes enchrer trois 
lieues en mer au dessus le cap. 

Le Sixiesme pource qua trois lieues de la coste il n'y 
auoit qu'une brasse et demie deau nous courusmes au 
large nous voyons la coste courir du Cap Ost et West 
quelque peu Nord. 

Le Jeudy septiesme nous eusmes 2 degrés 27 minutes 
nous enchrasmes au droit la riuiere Mackarj ou nous 
touchasmes a basse mer le courant estoit si violent que 
voulant a la marée retirer nos enchres nostre Cabestan 
fut rompu des la il y a 2 brasses deau a basse mer a la 
veue de la terre la coste court des Sag lieues du Cap 
Nord Nord West au soir nous vismes vne montagne 
ronde. 

Le Vrendredy huictiesme nous eusmes 3 degrés nous 
vismes la riuiere de Clapepourj ou trois ans auparauant 



[ 234 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

On Friday 1st December we came opposite Sapno 1623 
and thence to Nutte Muscade ^ Island. December i 

On Saturday we came to anchor near the last-named 
island. 

On Sunday the 3rd we anchored about the middle 
of it. 

On Monday we anchored three leagues from North 
Cape. 

On Tuesday the 5th we anchored three leagues out 
at sea above the cape. 

On the 6th, because three leagues from the coast 
there was only one fathom and a half of water, we ran 
into the offing and saw the coast extending from the 
Cape East and West somewhat to the North. 

On Thursday the 7th we were 2 degrees 27 minutes 
[North of the Line]. We anchored to the right of the 
River Mackarj ,^ where we touched at low water. The 
current was so strong that when at high tide we wished 
to weigh anchor, the capstan was broken. From that 
on there are two fathoms of water at low tide. Look- 
ing at the land [we saw that] the coast 8 or 9 leagues 
from the Cape runs North North West. In the evening 
we saw a round-topped mountain. 

On Friday the 8th we were 3 degrees [North]. We 
saw the Clapepourj River ^ where three years previous 

^ Dutch name for Nutmeg. 

^ River Arykary (Blaeuw, 1635). 

' River Quanaoueny? 

[ 235 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1623 sestoit perdu vn nauire de Flexingues que le Masquaret 
8 Décembre ayant trouue mal paré sur ses anchres auoit renuersé. 

Le Salmedy neufiesme nous vismes la coste courir 
quelque quatre lieues Nord quart a IWest. 

Le Dimanche dixiesme nous vismes la coste courir 
N W enuiron trois lieues puis West vne lieue, au bout 
de laquelle estoit vne riuiere ou nous enchrasmes nous 
envoyâmes nostre cheloupe pour scauoir quelle elle 
estoit pource que quelques vns estimoient que ce fust 
Wyapoko. 

Le Jeudy quatorziesme nostre Cheloupe raporta que 
cestoit Cassipoure nous leuasmes lanchre des la la coste 
court Nord Nord West iusques a Wyapoko. 

Le Vandredy quinziesme nous enchrasmes deuant le 
cap dorange. 

Le Salmedy sexiesme deuant lemboucheure de 
Wyapoko. 

Le Dimanche dixseptiesme nous enchrames deuant 
Carippo sur trois brasses. 

Le Lundy dixseptiesme [dixhuitieme] nous fusmes 
dans la riuiere de Wanari aue.cq nostre cheloupe voir 
Henry Fonston anglois qui habitoit la auecq trois 
nègres. 

Le Mardy nous allasmes de la a Commaribo ou nous 
demourasmes le lendemain. 

[ 236 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

a ship from Flushing was lost, which having been 1623 
insecurely anchored was turned over by a. violent eddy ^^"^^^^ 
of the tide. 

On Saturday the 9th we saw the coast extending 
some 4 leagues North a quarter West. 

On Sunday the loth we saw the coast extending 
N.W. about 3 leagues, then West i league, at the end 
of which was a river, where we anchored. We sent our 
pinnace to know which one it was, because some of us 
thought it was the Wyapoko.^ 

On Thursday the 14th our pinnace reported that it 
was the Cassipoure. We weighed anchor. From there 
the coast runs North North West as far as Wyapoko. 

On Friday the 15th we anchored opposite Cape 
Orange. 

On Saturday the i6th opposite the mouth of the 
Wyapoko. 

On Sunday the 17th we anchored opposite Carippo 
in three fathoms. 

On Monday the 17th [i8th] we were in the River 
Wanari with our pinnace to see Henry Fonston [John- 
ston?], an Englishman, who lived therewith 3 negroes. 

On Tuesday we went from there to Commaribo, 
where we stayed the next day. 

^ River Wiapoca (Blaeuw, 1635). 
[ 237 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1623 Le Jeudy vingt uniesme nous reuinsmes au nauire. 

21 Décembre 

Le Vrendredy vingt deuxiesme on nous mena voir le 
haut de la Riuiere de Wyapoko auecq la Cheloupe. 

Le Salmedy vingt troiziesme nous entrasmes dans la 
riuiere de Scapome pour visiter l'habitation des Indiens 
qui nous apportèrent trois pourceaux vn connin ^ et 
vne perdrix tous trouuerent le lieu fort bon et commode 
pour planter vne CoUonie cest vne place plate et vnie 
releuee par dessus les marais qui l'enuironnent de dix- 
huit a vingt pieds eslongue de la riuiere de Wyapoko 
dune demie lieue le tertre ou sont les maisons est dun 
coste ceint de la riuiere d'Icaprimo scauoir vers le Zud 
de rOst et West elle est enuironnée dune terre innondée 
l'hiuer et deriere le nord séparée de lautre terre dune 
vallée asses profonde et d'un ruisseau elle a de long 
deux cents pas et de large cent nouante cest vne place 
fort commode et bonne a garde pource qu'on peut 
empescher aysement la riuiere en coupant des arbres 
au trauers, elle est cincq lieues de Carippo. 

Le Dimanche vingt quatriesme nous fusmes au 
village de Weypoko six lieues de Carippo nous trouu- 
asmes ce village sur vne montagne platte et asses haute 
nous y trouuasmes aussi de fort bonne terre. 

Le Mardy vingt sixiesme nous arriuasmes au Nauire. 

Le Mercredy vingt septiesme nostre Maistre fît 
appeller les pères de famille vn a vn leur demandant 
s'ils auoient trouvé vn lieu a leur gré ils respondirent 
que Ouy et qu'ils desireroient y venir demourer auecq 

^ Old French name for ''lapin," rabbit. 

[ 238 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

On Thursday the 21st we rejoined the ship. 1623 

December 21 

On Friday the 22nd we were taken in the pinnace to 
see the upper reaches of the River Wyapoko. 

On Saturday the 23rd we entered the River Scapome 
to visit the settlement of the Indians, who brought us 
3 pigs, a rabbit, and a partridge. All pronounced the 
place good and convenient for forming a Colony; it is 
flat and uniform, raised 18 to 20 feet above the marshes 
which surround it, and at a distance of half a league 
from the River Wyapoko. The hillock, on which are 
the houses, is bounded on one side by the Icaprimo 
River, that is to say towards the South; on the East 
and West it is surrounded by land which is flooded in 
winter, and in the rear, to the North, it is separated 
from the other land by a rather deep valley and by a 
stream; it is 200 paces long and 190 broad. It is a very 
good and convenient place to defend because the river 
can easily be obstructed by cutting trees and putting 
them across. It is five leagues from Carippo. 

On Sunday the 24th we were at Weypoko village, 
six leagues from Carippo. We found this village on a 
flat and fairly high hill. We found there, also, very 
good land. 

On Tuesday the 26th we arrived at the ship. 

On Wednesday the 27th our Master called the heads 
of families one by one and asked them if they had found 
a place to their liking. They replied Yes ! and that they 
wished to come and live there with their families, upon 

[ 239 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1623 leurs familles sur cela le Maistre leur diet qu'il auoit 
27 Decemore ^j^^j-gg jg Messieurs les Directeurs de les laisser la et 

de n'en renmener que deux cette parole estonna plusi- 
eurs dentreux qui commencoient a sexcuser diuerse- 
ment nostre Capitaine voyant cela desclara au Maistre 
qu'il estoit contant de demeurer si on luy vouloit bail- 
ler ^ en la place des pères de familles qui sen vouloient 
retourner autant de Matelots ce qui luy fut accordé de 
sorte qu' auecq nostre diet capitaine demoura Louys 
le Maire et moy dentre les familles nostre Canonnier 
quatre matelots et le garçon du Chirurgien tous au 
nombre de neuf. 

Le Jeudy vingthuictiesme on prépara tout ce qu'on 
nous vouloit donner qui estoit de Coucal 

hachet couteaux vn Pierrier auecq 

nostre Cheloupe. 

Le Vrendredy vingt neufiesme nous partismes pour 
aller a Commaribo. 

Le Samedy trentiesme nous arriuasmes au diet Com- 
maribo. 

1624 Le premier iour de lan 1624 nostre nauire partit pour 
/ Januier retourner en Hollande. 

Le sixiesme iour de januier arriua Pieter Janss en- 
chrer a Carippo qui nous dit qu'il auoit brusle le fort 

^ Old French verb for " to give." 



[ 240 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

which the Master told them that he had orders from 1623 

the Directors to leave them there and only to take ^^"^^^^ ^7 

back two of them. This astonished several of them, 

who began in divers ways to excuse themselves. Our 

Captain, seeing this, declared to the Master that he 

was ready to remain if they would give him in place 

of the heads of families who wished to return, the same 

number of sailors. This was allowed him, so that there 

remained with our said Captain, Louis le Maire and I 

(from among the families), our Gunner, four sailors, 

and the Surgeon's Mate — nine persons in all. 

On Thursday the 28th they prepared everything 
which they were willing to give us, which was [?lbs,] of 
Coucal [cocoa?] axes, knives, a small 

cannon,^ with our pinnace. 

j On Friday the 29th we left to go to Commaribo. 

On Saturday the 30th we arrived at the said Com- 
maribo. 

The first day of the year 1624 our ship left to return 1624 

to Holland. January i 

On the 6th of January Pieter Jansz arrived and an- 
chored at Carippo, who told us he had burnt the fort 

^ The Diet, de VAcad. Franc, under " pierrier " says : " Sorte 
de petit canon dont on se sert principalement sur les vais- 
seaux pour tirer a l'abordage, et qu'on charge avec des car- 
touches remplies de pierres, de cailloux, de ferraille &c." 
Possibly a small cannon called a " saker," then much used on 
ships. 

[ 241 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1624 que les Espagnols auoicnt faict audela Corperarj en 
ôjanuier l'Amasone. 

Le septiesme nostre cannonier vint de Cajane nous 
raporter que nos gens auoient trouue vne plaine a 
costé de Cajane qui leur sembloit fort propre et qu'ils 
desiroient que nous y allassions mais la difficulté de 
retourner nous empescha ioinct que les Yayos ou nous 
estions a Commaribo nous tesmougnoient beaucoup 
dafection qui nous fit demourer. 

Le dixiesme Januier nous achetasmes vn champ pour 
faire du Toubac d'Ariane du Texel qui nous cousta 
quatre haches. 

Le vingt cinquiesme nostre Capitaine fut a Capoure 
auecq Louys le Mayre allant a la chasse ils trouuerent 
une Campagne au Nord West dudict Capoure eslon- 
guee diceluy de lieue et demie elle estoit longue de deux 
lieues et large d'une parsemée de boscages et pleine 
d'herbe il y auoit en plusieurs endroits des places fort 
propres pour cultiuer le suchre et par tout bonne pour 
la tinture de cotton il laissa au diet Capoure Louys le 
Mayre. 

20 Mars Le vingtiesme de Mars les Caribes de Cayane vinrent 
a Commaribo. 

Le vingtdeuxiesme y arriuerent les Aricoures habi- 
tant la riuiere de Cassipoure ennemis des Caribes ce qui 



[ 242 ] 




.^^ 



< - 

£ 

w i 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

which the Spaniards had made beyond Corperarj on 1624 
the Amazons. -^''"«"'■y ^ 

On the 7th our gunner came from Cajane ^ to tell 
us that our men had found a plain on the Cajane that 
seemed to them very suitable and they wished us to 
go there, but the difficulty of returning prevented us; 
in addition to which the Yayos where we were at Com- 
maribo showed us much affection, which induced us to 
remain. 

On the loth of January we bought of Ariane of 
Texel a field in which to grow tobacco, which cost us 
four axes. 

On the 25th our Captain was at Capoure^ with 
Louis le Maire. Having gone hunting, they found a 
country to the North West of the said Capoure, dis- 
tant therefrom about a league and a half. It was two 
leagues long and one wide, studded with groves and 
full of grass. In several places there were very suit- 
able spots for cultivating sugar and it was good every- 
where for the dyeing of cotton. He left Louis le Maire 
at Capoure. 

On the 20th of March the Caribs of Cayenne came March 20 
to Commaribo. 



On the 22nd the Aricoures, who lived at Cassipoure 
River and were enemies of the Caribs, arrived, which 

1 River Cajani (Blaeuw, 1635). 

2 River Cassipouri (Blaeuw, 1635), now called Cachipour. 
See March 22nd. 



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Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1624. estonna fort les Yaos amis communs des deux et comme 
22 Mars -jg gg preparoient pour se battre par l'entremise de 
nostre Capitaine et desdicts Yaos la paix fut faicte 
entre eux a la charge que les Aricoures la demander- 
oient leur cérémonie fut que les Caribes les furent 
attandre au bord de la mer auecq leurs armes et leuans 
la flèche sur lare preste a descocher les Aricours prirent 
de leau et la versèrent sur leurs testes cela faict les 
Caribes quittant leurs armées coururent dans les 
canoes des autres et les embrassèrent a loccasion de 
ceste paix les yaos les traitèrent ensemble huit iours ils 
ne se souuenoient point d'auoir iamais eu paix ensem- 
ble. 

j Apuril Le premier jour d'apuril nostre Capitaine fut a 
Massoure montagne qui est dans les Marais qui sont 
entre Commaribo et Wanarj pour visiter les Aronakas 
Y demourans il trouua la demeure fort belle et de bonne 
terre mais ils sont grandement incommodes de Mous- 
quites. 

Le vingt huictiesme d'apuril nous fusmes a Weypoko 
village habité des yaos scitué a six lieues de Carippo les 
Indiens du lieu nous menèrent voir vne prairie qui est 
a l'Ost du village eslonguée diceluy enuiron demie lieue 
ceste prairie est longue denuiron vne lieue et demie et 
large de trois quarts de lieues couverts dherbe verde il 
y a en icelle de belles places pour le suchre le costan du 
coste de l'West est fort beau et la terre y est fort propre 
pour le Toubac proche du village de Weypoko il y a vn 
champ au Zud diceluy ou nous vismes du Toubac qui 
anoit ses feilles de deux pieds et demi de long et large 
d'vn pied. 

[ 244 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

greatly astonished the Yaos, common friends of the 1624. 
two, and as they were preparing to fight, peace was ^^^'^'^ ^^ 
made between them by the intervention of our Cap- 
tain and the said Yaos, on condition that the Ari- 
coures should ask for it. Their ceremony was as fol- 
lows : the Caribs obliged them [the Aricoures] to wait 
on the seashore with their arms and [as the Caribs] 
fitted the arrow to the bow ready to let fly, the Ari- 
coures took water and poured it on their heads. This 
done, the Caribs, throwing down their arms, rushed 
into the canoes of the others and embraced them. 
On the occasion of this peace the Yaos entertained 
them together for eight days; peace having never 
been known between them before. 

On the 1st of April our Captain was at Massoure April i 
mountain, which is in the marshes between Com- 
maribo and Wanarj, to visit the Aronakas living there. 
He found it a beautiful dwelling-place and good land, 
but they are very much inconvenienced by mosquitoes. 

On the 28th of April we were at Weypoko village, 
inhabited by the Yaos, situated six leagues from Car- 
ippo. The Indians of the place took us to see a 
meadow which is to the East of the village, distant 
therefrom about '^^ league. This meadow is about a 
league and a half long and three quarters of a league 
wide, covered with green grass. There are in it fine 
places for sugar. The slope toward the West is very 
beautiful and the land suitable for tobacco; near the 
village of Weypoko to the South of it is a field where 
we saw some tobacco which had leaves two feet and 
a half long and one foot broad. 

[ 245 1 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1624 Le Second jour de May nous fusmes a Cormery vil- 
2 May j^gg Qy habitent les Maraons scitué a vne lieuë au des- 
soubs de Weypoko et lautre coste de la Riuiere et a 
trois quarts de lieues de Capoure nous trouuasmes la 
vne agréable place et ou l'Oreillan et cotton viennent 
abondamment. 

Le Quatriesme iour de May nous en retournant nous 
fusmes descendre a la pointe d'Apoterj ou la riuiere 
s'estroicist de sorte quelle na que 150 pas de large le 
lieu est haut et releué par dessus leau de 12 a 15 pieds 
ayant des deux costes la riuiere nous iugeasmes si les 
familles venoient que ceste place seroit fort propre pour 
fortiffier. 

27 Septembre Le vingt septiesme de Septembre nostre Capitaine 
fut a Cayane voir les Caribes qui le receurent amiable- 
ment. 

10 Octobre Le dix'* d'octobre estant de retour il fut voir la 
montagne de Carippo pour dicelle voir de combien près 
la compagne de Capoure approchoit la pointe d'Apoterj 
il iugea qu'elle l'aprochoit de quelque cinq cens pas. 



Le 13'* d'octobre s'en retournant il fut frappe du 
soleil qui estoit fort aspre ce iour la dont il tomba 
esuanoui dans la Canoë ce iour il arriua saisi dune forte 
fleure. 

Le 15'* iour d'Octobre par l'aduis de ceux qui auoient 
demeure en ce pays la auant nous nous le fismes seigner 



J 



[ 246 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

The second of May we were at Cormery Village, 1624 
where the Maraons live, situated one league below ^^'^v ^ 
Weypoko on the other side of the river, and at three 
quarters of a league from Capoure. We found there 
a pleasant place where Oreillan ^ and cotton grow 
abundantly. 

On the 4th of May, when returning, we descended 
to Apoterj point, where the river becomes so narrow 
that it is only 150 paces wide. The land is high, raised 
12 or 15 feet above the water, having the river on both 
sides. We thought that if the families came, this 
place would be very suitable to fortify. 

On the 27th of September our Captain was at Cay- September 27 
enne to see the Caribs, who received him kindly. 

On the loth of October on his return he went to see October 10 
Carippo Mountain from which to see how near the 
country of Capoure came to Apoterj point. He judged 
that it was about 500 paces. 

On the 13th of October in returning he had a sun- 
stroke, as the sun was very strong that day, so that he 
fell fainting into the canoe and arrived this day seized 
with a severe fever. 



On the 15 th of October, by the advice of those who 
had lived in this country before us, we had him bled, 

^ Bixa Orellana — a small tree from the seeds of which 
a valuable red dye called arnotto or annotto is made. Orel- 
lana is the name that was at first given to the Amazon, 
after its discoverer, Francisco Orellana. 

[ 247 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1624 ce qui le soulagea mais comme impatiant de repos il 
IS Octobre ^q^j^^ s'aller promener a la mer il fut derechef s'en 
retournant frappe du soleil qui lui redouble la fieure. 

Le 22'^ doctobre mourut nostre diet Capitaine fort 
regretté des Chrestiens et Indiens qui l'auoient pris en 
grande amitié ce iour nous le portasmes en terré le plus 
honorablement qu'il nous fut possible accompagnant 
le corps auec nos armes que nous deschargeasmes sur sa 
fosse trois fois chescun et nostre piece autant. 

2S Novembre Le vingt cincquiesme novembre nous fusmes a Mal- 
arj vilage habité des Yaos scitué audessus du premier 
Wal en l'intention d'aller de la voir les Nouraques 
habitans au haut de la Riulere de Wyapoko enuiron 
cinquante lieues de son emboucheure. 

Le vingt huictiesme nous montasmes le second et 
troiziesme Wal et visitasmes les habitaons de Pranao 
Camiarj et Tapoko, mais a cause que les eaux estoient 
trop basses nous ne peusmes monter plus haut le pays 
au dessus du Wal est fort agréable et les Maraons y 
habitans sont fort tractables il y [a] force bonne terre 
sur tout dans les Isles quantité de pourceaux vaches 
saunages Cerfs et Poissons deau douce en très grande 
abondance. 

20 Décembre Le vingtiesme Décembre voyant que les nauires ne 
venoient point comme on nous auoit promis et que 
nos charguesons estoient faillies craignant quauecq le 



[ 248 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

which gave him rehef ; but being impatient of keeping 162 j. 

quiet, he wished to go on the sea again, returning ^<^^°^^'' ^S 
from which he again had a sunstroke which redoubled 
his fever. 

On the 22nd of October our said Captain died, much 
regretted by the Christians and Indians who had taken 
a great Uking to him. This day we carried him to be 
buried as honorably as was possible for us, accompany- 
ing the body with our arms, which we each discharged 
three times over his grave and our cannon as well. 

On the 25th of November we were at Malarj, a vil- November 25 
lage inhabited by the Yaos, situated above the first 
Wal,^ intending to go from there to see the Nouragues, 
who live far up the River Wyapoko about 50 leagues 
from its mouth. 

On the 28th we ascended the second and third Wal 
and visited the settlements of Pranao, Camiarj, and 
Tapoko, but the water being too low we could not go 
up higher. The country above the Wal is very pleas- 
ant and the Maraons who live there are very tractable. 
There is plenty of good land, especially in the islands, 
and many swine and wild cattle, also deer and fresh 
water fish in very great abundance. 

On the 20th of December, seeing that the ships did December 20 
not come as they had promised us and that our 
stores 2 were giving out, and fearing that in time we 

^ Apparently intended for the Dutch word Val^ or Water- 
val, meaning "falls" or "cataract." 
^ Merchandise, barter goods? 

[ 249 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1624 temps nous {eussions contraincts de forcer les Indiens 
20 Décembre pour auoir les viures Nous assemblasmes les autres 

chrestiens qui estoient a Commaribo pour consulter 
ensemble ce que nous deuions faire tous furent dauis 
que pendant que nous auions encore quelque chose il 
falloit essayer a faire quelque Barque auecq laquelle 
nous peussions gasgner les isles de Caribes ou il 7 a 
presque tousiours des nauires desquels nous pourrions 
auoir quelque ayde pour retourner au pays ou pour 
pouuoir attandre les nauires de la Compagnée. 

1625 Le premier iour de lan 1625 nous partismes de Com- 
I Januier maribo pour chercher vne place au haut de la Riuiere a 

fin selon nostre resolution d'y pouuoir bastir vne bar- 
que au nombre de dix scauoir six de nostre et quatre 
autres qui s'estoient ioincts auecq nous. 

Le troiziesme iour de Januier nous arriuasmes a 
Tawya et Jnarj que nous trouuasmes les plus com- 
modes tant pour le lieu que pour les viures. 

Le quatriesme nous nous departismes aux deux places 
pour faire des planches a quoy nous nous employasmes 
si bien que combien que neussions que des haches et 
planes sans aucunes scies nous iîsmes en six semaines 
150 planches de 20 pieds de long et vn de large auecq 
laquelle Sternes Courbes et autres choses nécessaires. 

10 Mars Le 10 de Mars les Yaos nous vinrent quérir pour aller 
a la guerre contre les Mays ennemis communs de tous 
les autres Indiens quelques vns estoient daduis de con- 



[ 250 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

should be obliged to force the Indians to give us food, 
we assembled the other Christians who were at Com- 
maribo to consult together as to what we ought to do: 
All were of the opinion that while we still had some- 
thing, we ought to try to build some sort of craft with 
which we could reach the Caribbean Islands, where 
there are nearly always ships from which we could get 
help either to return to the country or to wait for the 
ships belonging to the Company. 



1624 

December 20 



On the first day of the year 1625 we departed from 1625 
Commaribo to look for a place further up the river, in J^^^'^^y ' 
order, according to our resolution, to build there a 
boat. We were ten in number, that is to say, six of our 
own party and four others who had joined us. 

On the 3rd of January we arrived at Tawya and 
Inarj, which we found most convenient as to both 
situation and provisions. 

On the 4th we went to both places to cut planks, at 
which we employed ourselves so well that although we 
had only axes and planes and no saws, in six weeks we 
had 1 50 planks 20 feet long and i foot wide, with bows,^ 
knees, and other necessary things. 



On the loth of March the Yaos came to ask us to go March 10 
to war against the Mays, the common enemies of all 
the other Indians. Some were of the opinion that we 

* "Sternes" does not seem to be connected with the Eng- 
lish word meaning the stern of the ship but with the Latin 
and French word sternum — breast-bone, especially of birds; 
and so the word is here translated "bows." 

[ 251 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1625 tinuer nostre entreprise les autres dobtemperer aux 
10 Mars Yaos et les suiure le dernier aduis fut suivj et fusmes 
cincq auecq eux laissant les autres pour faire prouision 
de Gomme pour poisser nostre Barbe [Barque?] et 
descorcer de certain arbre fort propre pour faire les 
Chordages. 

Le quatorzième de Mars nous partismes de Commar- 
ibo pour aller a Cassipoure et de la aux Mays. 

Le Seziesme estant entrés dans vne riuiere pour 
pescher nous vismes vne seppent qui auoit la teste 
grosse comme celle dun aigneau de trois moys elle 
pouuoit estre longue de vingt cinq pieds et grosse 
comme la cuisse nous ne la peusmes iamais tuer. 

Le dixseptiesme nous arriuasmes chez les Aricoures 
qui aduertoient leurs gens de nostre venue et dessein. 

Le 21'^ nous nous trouuasmes 150 Canoes et bien 
500 hommes ce jour nous partismes. 

Le 23'^ de Mars comme nous approchions les Mays 
sur les neuf heures et demie du soir nous vismes la lune 
éclipsée ce qui estonna tellement tous nos Indiens qu'ils 
estoient comme fols et hors du sens car ils sautoient et 
dansoient dans leau ils nous dirent que cestoit vn 
presage que les Mays les tueroient tous nous les assur- 



[ 252 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

should continue our enterprise; others that we should 162s 
comply with the request of the Yaos and accompany ^•'^'-cA 10 
them. The latter advice was followed and five of us 
went with them, leaving the others to gather enough 
gum to pitch our hull and prow ^ and to strip off from 
certain trees bark suitable for making ropes. 

On the 14th of March we left Commaribo to go to 
Cassipoure and from there to the Mays. 

On the 1 6th, having come into a river to fish, we saw 
a serpent which had a head as large as a lamb three 
months old. It must have been 25 feet long and as 
thick as the thigh; we could never have killed it. 

On the 17th we arrived at the Aricoures, who warned 
their people of our arrival and design. 

On the 2ist we found that we had 150 canoes and 
fully 500 men. We left this day. 

On the 23 rd of March as we approached the Mays at 
half past nine in the evening, we saw an eclipse of the 
moon, which so much astonished all our Indians that 
they were like men mad and out of their senses, for 
they leapt and danced in the water and told us that 
it was a forewarning that the Mays would kill them 
all. We assured them of our power and at last they 

^ The Diet, de VAcad. Franc, says under "Barbe" 
(Marine): "Se dit Des bouts de bordage qui entrent dans 
le bas de la rablure de l'entrave," — which would seem to 
correspond as nearly as possible to our "hull and prow" — 
the part most needing caulking, 

[ 253 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

162s asmes de nostre pouuoir en fin ils passèrent leur furie 
23 Mars ^ tirer des flèches (au bout desquelles y auoit des 
charbons ardans) vers la lune lappellant meschante. 

Le 24]^ de Mars a la pointe du jour nous approch- 
asmes un des villages des Mays auquel y auoit quatre 
maisons dont l'une auoit 1000 pieds de long enuiron- 
nant le village de peur qu'ils ne sortissent pour aduertir 
les autres au dit jour nos gens enuoyerent dénoncer leur 
venue a leurs ennemis qui (euant qu'ils vissent des 
Chrestiens et des arms dont ils n'auoient quoy 
parler) ne firent que se rire et les mespriser nous mismes 
le feu dans vne maison mais les autres se deffendoient 
si bien que nous n'y peusmes iamais entrer elles estoient 
enuironnées de galleries faites de palmites et fort bien 
flancquees mais ce qui me fit fort esmerueiller cest que 
nonobstant nos mousquetades ils venoient sans crain- 
dre nous tirer des coups de flèches a la longeur dune 
picque nous approchasmes auecq petis canons ^ a la 
faueur de leurs maisons tesmoicgnans l'enuie quils 
auoient de defîendre la liberté de leurs femmes et en- 
fans au despens de leur vie qu'ils mesprisoient d'un 
courage inuicible mesme i'en vis cincq dans vn canôe 
qui sans sestonner se firent tuer l'un appres lautre le 
dernier desquels appres auoir eu la jambe coupée d'une 
balle ramée s'assit dans le canoë et tira ses flèches tant 
qu'il eut vne goûte de sang sur les neuf heures arriu- 
erent trois grands canoës au secours de leurs voisins qui 
malgré les flèches de nos Indiens passèrent au trauers 
la moitié des Canoes de leurs ennemis et neust esté q'un 
Angloys de deux coups de mousquets chargés de balles 

^ Undoubtedly meant for canoes. 
[ 254 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

expended their frenzy by shooting arrows (at the end 1625 
of which were live coals) towards the moon and calling ^^"'"'^^ ^3 
it wicked. 

On the 24th of March at daybreak we approached 
one of the villages of the Mays in which there were four 
houses, of which one was one thousand feet long. We 
surrounded the village for fear they should go out to 
warn the others. On the said day our Indians sent to 
announce their arrival to their enemies, who (before 
they saw any Christians and arms of which they knew 
only from hearsay) did nothing but laugh at and 
deride them. We set fire to one house, but the others 
were so well defended that we could never get into 
them. They were surrounded by galleries made of 
palmetto and very well protected, but what I marveled 
at greatly was that in spite of our musket shots they 
[the Mays] advanced fearlessly to discharge their ar- 
rows at us within a pike's length. We approached in 
small canoes under cover of their houses, witnessing 
their eagerness to defend the liberty of their wives and 
children at the expense of their own lives, which they 
risked with unconquerable courage. I even saw five of 
them in a canoe who, quite unmoved, allowed them- 
selves to be killed one after the other, the last of whom, 
after having his leg cut off by a chain-shot,^ seated 
himself in the canoe and shot his arrows as long as he 
had a drop of blood left. Towards nine o'clock three 
large canoes arrived to help their neighbors, who, in 
spite of the arrows of our Indians, passed through half 
the canoes of their enemies; and had it not been that 
an Englishman, by two discharges of muskets loaded 

^ Two or three balls fastened together with wire. 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

162s de pistolets en blessa quatre et tua quatre autres ils 
^^ ^" eussent passé oultre mais ces deux coups qui auoient 
tant faict dexecution estonne tellement ceux des deux 
autres canoes quils sen fuirent laissant quatorze per- 
sonnes qui restoient en vie a la mercj de leurs ennemis 
qui les assommèrent tous cela faict voyant la cruauté 
de nos gens et le courage des autres nous denonceasmes 
a nos Indiens que nous nauionsplus depouldrece qui 
les fit partir appres auoir coupé les testes des mortes et 
les cmportans en triomphe au bout de leurs dards nous 
emmenasmes trois Indiens pour esclaues laissant de 
l'ennemj plus de 120 morts et beaucoup de blesses des 
nostres en fut tue vn et 50 blessés ce iour nous retour- 
nasmes coucher ches les Aricoures. 

Le vingt neufie arriuasmes a Commaribo. 

/ Apuril Le premier iour d'Apuril nous fusmes visiter vn petit 
nauire françois qui en nostre absence estoit arriué a 
Wyapoko il nous aduertit de la prise de la Baye par 
nos gens il nous promit de nous donner des Chargesons 
mais le soir venue il fît voille sans nous dire a Dieu de 
peur qu'il auoit de nous. 

Le quinziesme dApuril nous retournasmes a Tawya 
& Inarj pour continuer nostre barque. 

Le dix huictiesme nous commenceasmes a la monter 
sur vne Quille de 30 pieds luy donnant 36 pieds entre 
les sternes et douze de large suiuant la proportion de 
nostre cheloupe. 



[ 256] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

with pistol balls, wounded four of them and killed four 1625 
others, they would have passed through, but these two ^^^<^^ ^* 
shots which did so much execution astonished those in 
the other two canoes so greatly that they fled, leaving 
fourteen people that were still living at the mercy of 
their enemies, who massacred them all. This done, 
seeing the cruelty of our people and the courage of the 
others, we informed our Indians that we had no more 
powder, which induced them to come away, after cut- 
ting off the heads of the dead and carrying them away 
in triumph on the end of their spears. We brought 
away three Indians as slaves, leaving of the enemy 
more than 120 dead and many wounded. Of our force 
one was killed and 50 wounded. That day we returned 
to sleep with the Aricoures. 

On the 29th we arrived at Commaribo. 

On the 1st of April we visited a small French ship Apil i 
which had arrived at Wyapoko in our absence. They 
notified us of the taking of the Bay ^ by our people and 
promised to give us some articles for barter; but when 
the evening came, sailed away without bidding us 
good-bye because of their fear of us. 

On the 1 5th of April we returned to Tawya and Inarj 
to go on with our boat. 

On the 1 8th we began to put it on a keel of 30 feet, 
giving it 36 feet from stem to stern and 12 feet beam, 
following the proportions of our pinnace. 

* Bay of San Salvador. 

[ ^S7 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1623 Le vingt troiziesme de May arriva au diet Tawya la 
23 May CJ^eioupe du nauire nomme le Dragon verd sur lequel 
commandoit Gelin van Stabels de Flixingue qui auoit 
este auecq l'admirai Lucifer en la Riuiere des Amazones 
y porter le Capitaine Odan et quatre vingts a cent 
soldats il trouva nostre barque sy auance que dans 
trois semaines nous espérions la mettre a leau ayant 
desia préparé les voilles de nos Amakes ^ le dit Gelin 
nous diet qu'il auoit charge de Messieurs les Directeurs 
de la Compagnee de West Inde en la Chambre de 
Zeeland de nous emmener ce qui nous rejouit beaucoup. 

Le vingt quatriesme ledict Maistre fit faire vne 
flotte des planches que nous auions de reste et appres 
auoir chargé les fers de nostre cheloupe et nos hardes 
nous emmena au nauire. 

Le vingt septiesme nous fusmes a Commaribo quérir 
le reste de nos hardes. 

Le vingt huictiesme estant de retour nous fismes 
veille de Wyapoko courant Nord West de Nord vers 
constabel Eyland. 

Le vingt neufiesme nous arriuasmes au droict de la 
dicte Isle. 

Le trentiesme arriuasmes enchrer a l'emboucheure 
de la riuiere sur trois brasses fond de sable et claye 

^ Probably intended for " hamacs." 



[258] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

On the 23 rd of May there arrived at the said Tawya j62s 
the boat of a ship called the "Green Dragon," ^ which ^^^ ^^ 
was commanded by Gelyn van Stapels of Flushing, 
who had been with Admiral Lucifer in the River of the 
Amazons conveying there Captain Odan and eighty to 
one hundred soldiers. He found our boat so advanced 
that in three weeks we had hoped to launch it, having 
already made sails out of our hammocks.^ The said 
Gelyn told us that he was charged by the Directors of 
the West India Company in the Zeeland Chamber to 
take us with him, which gave us great joy. 

On the 24th the said Master caused a raft to be 
made of the planks which we had left over, and after 
loading thereon the iron work from our pinnace and 
our clothing, took us with him to the ship. 

On the 27th we were at Commaribo to collect the 
rest of our belongings. 

On the 28th we got back and set sail from Wyapoko, 
running North West by North towards Constable's 
Island. 

On the 29th we arrived on the right of the said 
island. 

On the 30th we arrived and anchored at the mouth 
of the river in three fathoms, a bottom of mixed sand 

^ The Flying Dragon, probably called "Green Dragon" 
by the scribe because of its color. 

2 The native women made beautifully fine and very 
strong cotton hammocks, called "hamaka." 

[ 259 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

j62s mesles easemble. de Cayane la coste despuis Com- 
30 May maribo iusques a Cawo court Nord West de Commar- 
ibo a Apperwaka il y a cincq lieues Constabels Eyland 
est a 1 Ost de lemboucheure de la riuiere d'Aperwaka 
d'Aperwaka a Cawo il y a deux lieues de Cawo a Wya 
il y a deux lieues Nord West vn peu plus West de Caya 
a Cayane riuiere il y a deux lieues lisle court de la 
riuiere Wya Nord West trois quarts de lieues puis West 
quart au Nord trois quarts de lieues et Zud West quart 
a IWest demie lieu a lembouchure de la riuiere Nord 
dicelle il y a vn roche descouuere qui est vne lieue et 
demie en mer aux deux points du milieu de lisle il y a 
des rochers qui se couvrent deau a haute marée a 
lemboucheure de Wya il y a cincq Islettes dont quatre 
sont Nord dicele et la cincquie est Nord West quart au 
Nord. 

I Juin Le dernier [premier] de juin les Caribes e Cajane 
nous apportèrent quelque boys de lettre et vne Tortue 
de mer qui pesoit cincq cent Hures. 

Le second jour de juin nous partismes de Cajane 
prenant nostre cours Nord West et Nord West vers 
West pour passer entre la terre et les Isles de Mane- 
manorj ou nous arriuasmes ce jour la Coste despuis 
Cajane vers la riuiere de Manamanorj court deux lieues 
Nord West et Nord West quart au Nord puis Nord 



[ 260 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

and clay. From Cayenne the coast beyond Commaribo 1625 
to Cawo extends North West. From Commaribo to ^^^^ ^° 
Apperwaka is five leagues. Constable's Island is to the 
East ^ of the mouth of Aperwaka River. From Aper- 
waka to Cawo is two leagues; from Cawo to Wya two 
leagues North West a little more West; from Caya to 
Cayenne River is two leagues. The island extends from 
Wya River North West three quarters of a league, then 
West a quarter North three quarters of a league, and 
South West a quarter West half a league. At the 
mouth of the river, north of it, there is a bare rock 
which is a league and a half out at sea; at the two cen- 
tral points of the island are rocks which are covered 
with water at high tide. At the mouth of Wya there 
are five small islands, four of which are North of it and 
the fifth North West a quarter North. 

The first day of June the Caribs of Cayenne brought June i 
us some letter-wood ^ and a turtle which weighed 500 
pounds. 

On the 2nd of June we left Cajane, taking our course 
North West and North West towards the West to pass 
between the mainland and the islands of Manemanorj, 
where we arrived the same day. The coast from Cay- 
enne towards Manemanorj River runs two leagues 
North West and North West a quarter North, then 

^ North West according to map of Guiana in Blaeuw's 
atlas of 1635. * 

^ Piratinera guianensis. Letter or leopard or speckle 
wood. A very valuable wood as hard as ebony and weigh- 
ing about eighty pounds to the square foot. It was worth 
£30 or £40 sterling a ton. Of a rich brown or reddish color 
with curious black markings. Now exceedingly rare. 

[ 261 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1625 West quart IWest et West Nord West six lieues iusques 
2 Juin ^ \^ ^[^ç. riuiere au Nord Ost dicelle riuiere enuiron vne 
lieue et demie il y a force rochers au Nord sont les 
Isles de Manemanorj qui sont quatre eslongnees de 
deux lieues et demie de la Riuiere de Manemanorj 
iusques a Icarouarj la coste court encore Nord West 
quart a IWest et West Nord West mais d Icarouarj a 
Sinamarj la coste court West Nord West quatre lieues 
au Nord West d' Icarouarj il y des rochers a demie lieu 
de Terre de Sinamarj a Marayny la coste court West 
quart au Nord et West Nord West par lespace de seze 
lieues. 

Le quatriesme iour de May [Juin] nous arriuasmes 
a Maruine ou nous trouuasmes le petit nauire francols 
qui chargeoit de bois de lettre il diet quil sen estoit allé 
sans parler pource qu'il craignoit que nous ne saisis- 
sions son nauire et qu'il croioit estre aysé nayant que 
treze homes a son bord, nous prismes du boys de lettre 
en ceste Riuiere et force Cassaue. 

26 Jeuillet Le vingt sixiesme de Jeuillet nous leuasmes l'anchre 
pour partir mais estans a l'emboucheure nous nous 
eschouasmes auecq peril du nauire. 

2 Aoust Le second iour d'Aougst au gros de maline nous 
sortismes de Maruyne passant sur les sables prenant 
nostre cours vers Soraname. 



[ 262 J 



journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

North West a quarter West and West North West six 162s 
leagues as far as the said river, about a league and a -^""^ ^ 
half to the North East of which river there are a great 
many rocks. To the north are the Manemanorj Is- 
lands, four in number, distant two leagues and a half 
from Manemanorj River. As far as Icarouarj the coast 
runs still North West a quarter West and West North 
West, but from Icarouarj to Sinemarj the coast runs 
West North West. Four leagues to the North West of 
Icarouarj there are rocks at half a league from land. 
From Sinamarj to Moragny the coast runs West a 
quarter North and West North West for a distance of 
sixteen leagues. 

On the 4th of May [June] we arrived at Maruini,^ 
where we found the small French ship loading letter- 
wood. [The Master] said he had gone away without 
speaking because he feared that we would seize his 
ship, which he thought would be easy as he had only 
thirteen men on board. We got some letter-wood in 
this river and much cassava.^ 

On the 26th of July we weighed anchor to depart, July 26 
but being at the mouth we ran aground with great dan- 
ger to the ship. 

On the 2nd of August at the height of the spring tide Jugust 2 
we went out of Maruyne, passing over the sand-banks, 
taking our course towards Surinam. 

^ Possibly the Maroni, a river forming the boundary be- 
tween French and Dutch Guiana. 

2 A sort of meal prepared from the dried root of the 
manioc (Manihot utilissima or Bitter Cassava), familiar to 
us under the forms of tapioca and arrowroot. 

[ 263 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

162s Le troiziesme nous arriuasmes a Soraname ou nous 

5 Aoust trouuasmes l'Aigle noir Vis admirai de Lucifer qui 

auoit pris quelques bois de lettre que ses gens auoient 

coupe la coste de Maruyne court Nord West 4 lieues et 

West 14 lieues iusques a Soraname. 

Le douziesme d'Aoust nous partismes de Soraname 
pour aller a Ezikebe. 

Le quatorziesme nous arriuasmes au droict de Ber- 
bice ou nous envoyasmes la Cheloupe pour traicter. 

Le Quinziesme nous arriuasmes a Demelarj la coste 
despuis Soraname jusques près Coretine court West et 
de la a Demelarj Nord West. 

Le Seziiesme nostre Cheloupe fut a Ezikebe pour 
porter nostre maistre au bord de 1 Admirai de scauoir sa 
volunté. 

Le vingt deuxiesme nostre Cheloupe estant de retour 
nostre nauire fut a Ezikebe guérir le reste des marchan- 
dises que l'admirai y auoit laisse. 

Le vingt huictiesme nous retournasmes dezekebe 
enchrer a Demelarj. 

1, 2, 3 Septembre Le I, 2 et 3^ ^ nous deschargeasmes l'admirai et 
Dragon verd dans l'aigle noir qui deuoit retourner au 
pays. 

•1 Evidently meant for i', 2" et 3* [Septembre]. 
[ 264 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

On the 3rd we arrived at Surinam, where we found 1625 
the Black Eagle, Vice Admiral Lucifer, which had ^"^«^^-^ 
taken on board some letter-wood cut by its crew. The 
coast of Maruyne runs North West four leagues and 
West fourteen leagues as far as Surinam. 

On the 1 2th of August we left Surinam to go to 
Essequibo. 

On the 14th we arrived to the right of Berbice, 
where we sent the pinnace to trade. 

On the 15th we arrived at Demerara. The coast 
from Surinam nearly to Coretine runs West and from 
there to Demerara North West. 

On the i6th our pinnace went to Essequibo to take 
our Master on board the Admiral's ship to know his 
wishes. 

On the 22nd, our pinnace having returned, our ship 
went to Essequibo to fetch the rest of the goods which 
the Admiral had left there. 

On the 28th we returned from Essequibo and an- 
chored at Demerara. 

On the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd [September] we unloaded September 1,2,3 
[the cargoes of] the Admiral ['s ship?] and the Green 
Dragon, into the Black Eagle, which was to return to 
the country [Holland].^ 

^ The wording of this entry is somewhat ambiguous. The 
Admiral was then on the Essequibo but whether on board 

[ 265 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1625 Le neufiesme de Septembre nous partismes de Deme- 
9 Septembre j^j.j pj-gnant nostre cours Nord Ost vers les Isles des 
Caribes. 

Le Dixiesme nous continuasmes même cours. 

Le onziesme nous prismes nostre cours Nord quart 
a rOst et Nord. 

Le Douziesme nous mismes au Nord Nord West a 
midy nous eusmes 10 degrés de hauteur. 

Le Dimanche quatorziesme vers le soir nous vismes 
vne montagne ronde qui est entre les Islettes des Gren- 
adins qui estoit a IWest quart au Nord de nous enuiron 
cincq lieues nous courusmes la nuict en mer. 

Le Lundy quinziesme nous courusmes vers Sainct 
Vincent. 

Le Mardy Sixiesme a cincq heures du matin nous 
vismes la Lune éclipsée ce iour nous arriuasmes enchrer 
a Sainct Vincent en la Baye de Carakes sur 18 et 20 
brasses cest vne double baye diuisee par vne montagne 
qui sauance en mer il y a en chescune partie vne petite 
riuiere qui court par vne belle vallée. 



[ 266 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

On the 9th of September we left Demerara, taking 1625 
our course North East towards the Caribbean Islands. ^^P^^^^^'' 9 

On the loth we followed the same course. 

On the I ith we took our course North a quarter East 

and North. 

On the 1 2th we put [the ship's head] to the North 
North West. At noon we were in latitude 10 degrees. 

On Sunday the 14th towards evening we saw a round 
mountain among the little Grenadine Islands, which 
were to the West a quarter North of us about five 
leagues [distant]. During the night we kept out to sea. 

On Monday the 15th we ran towards St. Vincent. 

On Tuesday the i6th at five o'clock in the morning 
we saw an eclipse of the moon. This day we came to 
anchor at St. Vincent in Carakes Bay in 18 or 20 fath- 
oms. It is a double bay divided by a mountain which 
juts out into the sea; in each part there is a little river 
running through a beautiful valley. 

one of his ships or at the Dutch fort there, we cannot tell. 
The Journal says, under date of September i6th, that van 
Stapels went "au bord de l'Admirai," which sounds as if he 
were on board a ship. In this case his ship must have been 
the Arent, which had been cruising with his two other ships. 
Under this reading the translation of the entry on Septem- 
ber 1st, 2nd, and 3rd should read as above. 

The Admiral evidently at this time transferred his com- 
mand to the Flying Dragon, which was to remain in the 
West Indies (see entry of September 19th). 

[ 267] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

1625 Le Mercredy dix septiesme nous prismes nostre eau. 

/7 Septembre 

Le Vrendredy dix neufiesme l'admirai Lucifer et le 
Dragon verd nous dirent adieu et prirent leur cours 
vers la grenade et l'Aigle noir ou nous estions vers 
hollande ce iour nous vismes Sainte Lucie. 

Le Salmedy vingtiesme au matin nous estions a l'Ost 
de la Martinique peu après nous vismes le Dominique 
au Nord Ost de nous a neuf heures nous vismes Guada- 
luppe. 

Le vingt deuxiesme calme sur le soir se leua un petit 
vent. 

Le vingt troizie a midy nous eusmes Saint Chris- 
tophle a l'O de nous a cet heure nous nous trouuasmes 
auoir 17 gr 30 minutes de hauteur au soir nous pas- 
sasmes entre Saba et Estacio peu appres nous vismes 
l'anguillade au nord q a lOst de nous la nuict nous 
calasmes la voille 

Le vingt quatriesme a midy nous estions a l'Ost de 
Sombrere a cet heure nous eusmes 18 gr 28 m. 

16 Novembre Le 16 nouembre nous arrîuasmes a flixinges dont 
Dieu soit loue. 



[ 268 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana • 

On Wednesday the 17 th we took in our water. 

On Friday the 19th Admiral Lucifer and the Green 
Dragon said farewell to us and took their course 
towards Grenada, and the Black Eagle, where we were, 
turned towards Holland. This day we saw Santa Lucia. 

On Saturday the 20th in the morning we were to the 
East of Martinique. Shortly afterwards we saw Domi- 
nica to the North East of us. At nine o'clock we saw 
Guadeloupe. 

On the 22nd it was calm; towards the evening a 
gentle breeze sprang up. 

On the 23 rd at noon we had Saint Christopher to the 
East of us. At that time we found we were in latitude 
17 degrees 30 minutes. In the evening we passed be- 
tween Saba and Eustatius; shortly after we saw An- 
guilla North a quarter East of us; at night we lowered 
the sail. 



162s 

September 17 



On the 24th at noon we were East of Sombrera. At 
that time we were in 18 degrees 28 minutes. 

On the 1 6th of November we arrived at Flushing — 
for which God be praised. 



November 16 



[ 269 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

Description de la Riuiere de Wyapoko 

Wyapoko Wyapoko est scitué sur quatre degrés trente minutes 
au Nord de la ligne elle se viude avecq les riuieres 
d'Arcoa et Wanarj dans vne baye qui a d'emboucheure 
trois lieues l'une des extrémités de laquelle sappelle le 
Cap Dorange scauoir celle qui est vers l'Ost et l'autre 
Commaribo iust a l'West de l'autre, du Cap d'Orange 
la coste court en dedans la riuiere en se courbant Zud 
West quart au Zud iusques a la riuiere d'Arcoa lespace 
de deux lieues et de la Zud West trois quarts de lieues 
iusques a lemboucheure de la riuiere de Wyapoko a 
l'ost de ce cap est l'autre de la riuiere appelle Carippo 
remarqué par vne longue montagne appelle du mesme 
nom de Carippo. de ce Cap la coste court West Nord 
West trois quarts de lieues iusque a la riuiere de 
Wanarj de la la coste court Zud auecq une courbure 
lespace de deux lieues iusques a Commaribo haute 
montagne. De l'emboucheure de Wyapoko la riuiere 
court Zud quart a l'West deux lieues et demie iusques 
a la pointe dApoterj qui est la premiere place on ren- 
contre la terre haute despuis Carippo car despuis 
iceluy de part et dautre il y a des marays innondés en 
tout temps cette pointe est fort propre pour estre 
fortiffiée car la riuiere y faict vn angle vn peu obtus la 
fauorisant de deux costés oultre cela elle est releuée par 
dessus la riuiere de leau de douze a treze pieds la riuiere 
en cet endroict est fort estroite et na pas plus de 150 
pas ou 200 au plus de ceste pointe la riuiere court Zud 
quard [sic] a l'West iusques a Cormorj près de lieue et 



[ 270 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

Description oj the River Wyapoko 

The Wyapoko ^ is situated in latitude 4 degrees 30 Wyapoko 
minutes North of the equator. It empties, together 
with the Rivers Arcoa and Wanarj, into a bay three 
leagues wide at the mouth, one of the extremities 
of which is called Cape Orange, — that, namely, to- 
wards the East; and the other, Commaribo, exactly due 
West of the former. From Cape Orange the coast runs 
inland, curving South West a quarter South as far as 
the River Arcoa, for a distance of two leagues, and 
thence South West three quarters of a league as far as 
the mouth of the River Wyapoko. To the East [West] 
of this cape is the other [cape] of the river called Ca- 
rippo, distinguished by a long mounLain called by the 
same name — Carippo. From this cape the coast runs 
West North West three quarters of a league as far as 
Wanarj River. Thence the coast runs South with a 
curve for the distance of two leagues as far as Com- 
maribo, a high mountain. From the mouth of Wya- 
poko the river runs South a quarter West two leagues 
and a half as far as Apoterj Point, which is the first 
place where one meets high ground after leaving Ca- 
rippo, for from that place on both sides are marshes 
continually flooded. This point is very proper for forti- 
fication, for the river makes there a somewhat obtuse 
angle, lending itself to it on both sides. Moreover, the 
point stands above the current of the water twelve or 
thirteen feet. The river in this place is very narrow — 
only 150 or 200 paces at most. From this point the 
river runs South a quarter West as far as Cormorj 

^ Now called the Oyapok, or Gyapock, the river sepa- 
rating French Guiana from Brazil. 

[ 271 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

Wyapoko demie entre deux il y a plusieurs isles et rochers et la 
riuiere de Capoure qui mené a une place fort propre 
pour une CoUonie De Cormorj elle s'encline en se 
courbant Zud West iusques au village de Weipoko 
lespace d'une lieue de la elle court Zud une lieue et de 
la elle se courbe vn peu vers le Zud quart a l'Ost et 
puis Zud quart a l'West iusques a la Kataracte ou Wal 
Ceste riuiere est habitée de trois nations scauoir Yayos 
Maraons et Nourakes il y a aussi des Arouakes qui 
habitent proches des montagnes de Wanarj sur vne 
montagne qui est dans les marays qui sont entre elles et 
la mer appellee Massoure Les Yayos habitent Com- 
maribo habita[ti]on asses fertille et agréable le village 
de Weipoko scitue sur une montagne grasse et qui a a 
dos vne prairie eslongues diceluy de quinze cens pas et 
vn autre village au dessus du premier Wal appelle 
Mallarj lieu fort agréable et ou la terre est fort fertille. 
Les Maraons habitent Capoure fort beau lieu de chasse 
pour la quantité de pourceaux qui sy amassent. Le 
lieu de Cormorj, Tawya, Inarj Woschj et au dessus du 
Wal comme Pranao, Camiarj et Tapoko demeures dé- 
lectables pour la douceur de l'air qu'ameine vn petit 
vent frais et doux, pour la quantité de pourceaux et 
vaches sauuages qu'ils appellent Maypourj, mais sur 
tout pour labondance de poissons doux d'un excellent 
goust. Les Nouracques habitent au haut de la riuiere 
au dessus de trente deuxiesme Wal il y croist quantité 
de cotons et Oreillans qu'ils vendent aux autres Indiens 
plus proches de la mer. Il n'y a rien a traicter auecq 
les Indiens que des viures qu'ils ont abondemment 



[ 272 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

nearly a league and a half. Between them are several Wyapoko 
islands and rocks and the River Capoure, which leads 
to a place very proper for a colony. From Cormorj it 
bends in a curve South West as far as the village of 
Weipoko for the space of a league; thence it runs South 
one league; and from there bends itself a little towards 
the South a quarter East and then South a quarter 
West as far as the cataract or Wal. [The banks of] this 
river are inhabited by three nations; namely, the Yaos, 
the Maraons, and the Nourakes. There are also the 
Arouakes, who live near the Wanarj Mountains on a 
hill in the marshes which are between them and the sea, 
called Massoure. The Yaos live at Commaribo, a fruit- 
ful and pleasant enough place. The village of Weipoko 
is situated on a fertile mountain which has at the back 
a meadow stretching fifteen hundred feet and another 
village above the first Wal [cataract], called Mallarj, a 
most agreeable spot and where the land is very fertile. 
The Maraons live at Capoure, a very fine hunting coun- 
try by reason of the numbers of wild hogs which 
gather there. The region of Cormorj, Tawya, Inarj, 
Woschj, and, above the Wal^ like Pranao, Camiarj, 
and Tapoko, are delightful dwelling-places because 
of the sweetness of the air, produced by a gentle, 
fresh, soft wind ; also because of the number of hogs and 
wild cattle which they call Maypourj, but above all for 
the abundance of fresh fish of an excellent flavor. The 
Nouracques inhabit the upper part of the river above 
the thirty-second cataract. They grow there much 
cotton and Oreillan,^ which they sell to other Indians 
who live nearer the sea. There is nothing to trade for 
with the Indians except eatables, which they have in 

^ See footnote, p. 247 of Journal. 
[ 273 ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

Wyapoko encore que le Coton l'Oreillan et Toubac y viennent 
très bien mais leur paresse faict qu'ils n'en receuillent 
que pour leur nécessité il y croist force gomme Elemmj 
Il y a aussi en plusieurs endroicts de la Marcasite d'or 
et mesme de la mine sur tout a Commaribo et 
Carippo. 

Pour entrer dans la riuiere venant deuers les Ama- 
zones il faut courir si auant auant doubler le Cap que 
l'on aye le Cap d'Arcoa Zud quart a l'West lors il faut 
courir vers iceluy (pour esuiter vn sable qui est Zud 
Ost et N. W. de Commaribo et Arcoa) rangeant la 
coste tant que la sonde le permet mais des lors que vous 
estes de Commaribo Zud Ost quart a l'Ost il vous faut 
courir vers louuerture de la riuiere de Wyapoko pour 
esuiter vn sable qui est au Cap Zud d'Arcoa vous 
anchrant deuant Carippo sur trois brasses asses loing 
de terre autrement les anchres chassent pour ce que le 
fond est trop mal. 



[ 274 ] 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

abundance; also cotton, Oreillan, and tobacco, which Wyapoko 
grow very well there, but because of their laziness they 
gather no more than they need for themselves. Much 
gum elemi grows there. Golden marcasite ^ and even 
lead are also found in several places, particularly at 
Commaribo and Carippo. 

In order to enter the river coming from the Amazons 
one must run so far ahead, before rounding the cape, 
that Cape Arcoa is South a quarter West and then 
double back towards it (to avoid a sand-bank which is 
South East and N. W. of Commaribo and Arcoa), 
sailing along the coast as long as the soundings allow. 
As soon as one is South East a quarter East of Com- 
maribo one must run towards the mouth of Wyapoko 
River to avoid a sand-bank which is at the Cape south 
of Arcoa, anchoring before Carippo in three fathoms 
far enough from land, otherwise the anchors drag be- 
cause the bottom is too soft. 

^ The marcasites are species of "prismatic iron pyrites." 
There are two varieties — the pale or "white marcasite," 
which when polished is like burnished steel, and a yellow or 
golden one. They were much used in the seventeenth and 
eighteenth centuries as substitutes for precious stones, 
being cut and facetted like rose diamonds. They were also 
in demand among the ancient Peruvians as amulets, and 
the larger pieces of the pale variety were used for mirrors. 



[ ^7S ] 



Journal d'un Voyage à Guiane 

Description de la Riuiere de Eziquebe 

Eiiquebe Eziquebe est scituée sur sept degrés au Nord de la 
ligne ceste riuiere est fort large a son emboucheure et 
que Ion tient excéder plus de dix lieues mesme les In- 
diens estiment que dicelle on peut aller en l'Orenoque 
sans entrer en mer elle a son emboucheure diuisée en 
plusieurs canaulx entre lesquels il y a de grandes isles 
le canal du costé de l'Ost court Zud West entre la terre 
ferme et les Isles puis elle s'incline Zud l'espace de cinq 
lieues ou elle se diuise en deux bras et de la elle court 
Z. W. a lieues ou elle se diuise derechef elle est 

parsemée d'isles auecq beaucoup de bancqs de sables 
et mesme de rochers vers le haut cest une riuiere ou 
iamais nauire na entré sans s'eschouer car les sables y 
sont si durits que vous estes touché auant que la fonde 
vous en aduertisse Elle est habitée de Caribes et 
Arouakas les Caribes habitent le haut de la riuiere et 
les autres le bas. les Espagnols de Saint Orner y ont 
autrefois en commerce mais a presant ils nozent y 
aller II n'y a lieu en toute la coste de Gujane ou il se 
trouve plus grande quantité d'Oreillan que la n'y qui 
soit meilleur il y a aussi forte boys de lettre mais plus 
brun qu'a Maruyne et Soraname il y a abondance de 
rafraichissemens sur tout de cassaue et fruits J'y aij 
veu un francois qui y auoit demeuré trois ans lequel me 
monstra une piece de Christal de montagne de la 
grosseur des deux poings au trauers duquel on pouuoit 
voir les lineaments de la face d'un homme tant il estoit 
clair il me diet quil lauoit pris au dessus du second 
Wal de la riuiere ou il y auoit une mine de Christal de 
que on en trouuoit au pied de la montagne ou elle 
estoit de fort grosses pieces que la rauine des eaux auoit 

[ 276 ] 




g/ 



w E 
X 2 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

Description of the River Essequibo 
The Essequibo is situated over 7° N. of the Line. Essequibo 
This river is very wide at its mouth and has been held 
to exceed even ten leagues. The Indians maintain that 
from it one can ascend the Orinoco without putting out 
to sea. Its estuary is split into several channels, be- 
tween which are large islands. The channel on the 
West side runs S. W. between the mainland and the 
islands; then bends S. for a space of five leagues, where 
it divides into two branches, and from there runs S. W. 
to leagues, where it splits afresh. It is dotted 

with islands and sand-banks and even rocks higher up. 
It is a river where never ship has entered without run- 
ning aground; for the sand-banks there are so bristling 
with sharp points that you graze before the soundings 
warn you. It is inhabited by Caribs and Arouakas; the 
Caribs live on the upper reaches, the others lower 
down. Spaniards from St. Omer formerly traded on it, 
but at present do not dare to go there. There is no 
place on the whole Guiana coast where is to be found a 
greater quantity of Oreillan than here, nor of better 
quality. There is also much letter-wood but much 
browner than at Maruyni and Surinam. There is also 
an abundance of provisions, especially of cassava and 
of fruits. Here I met a Frenchman who had lived there- 
abouts for three years and who showed me a piece of 
rock-crystal the size of your two fists, so clear that one 
could see the features of a man's face through it. He 
told me that he had found it up the river above the 
second cataract, and that there was a quarry of crystal 
there and that at the foot of the mountain one found 
large fragments which the mountain torrent had dis- 

[ ^77 J 



Journal d*un Voyage à Guiane 

Ezxqiube arrachée desquelles on pourroit charger infinis canaux 
il donna unne partie de la pire qu'il auoit a Gelain van 
Stabels de flisingues 

Pour entrer en Eziquebe de Demelarj il faut courir 
Nord West iusques a ce que vous ayes le Cap Ost de 
lisle qui est a l'emboucheure West de vous afin deuiter 
les Sables qui sont a la terre ferme et de la vous coures 
vers la dicte isle la rengeant d'asses près iusques a ce 
qu'ayant l'extrémité dicelle a IWest de vous vous 
coures vers la bande de lEst passant par vn canal 
entre des isles sur bon fond iusques a vn cap que faict 
la terre ferme de ce Cap vous renges la terre ferme de 
fort prêt a cause des Sables iusques a ce que vous 
uenies a rencontrer une isle proche de la terre ferme du 
coste de l'Ost lors vous coures West uers l'autre costé 
de la vous renges les islettes que sont a la bande de 
West iusques a vn Cap qui est au dessus une petite 
riuiere de la vous renges la dite coste d West de si près 
que vous pourroit y tirer une pierre iusques a un autre 
Cap qui est uis a uis de la premiere branche de la 
riuiere et de ce Cap vous coures vers la bande de lOst 
toujours sur bon fond. 



Journal of a Voyage to Guiana 

lodged and with which one could iiU numberless Essequibo 
canoes. He gave some of the poorest which he had to 
Gelain van Stabels of Flushing. 

To enter the Essequibo from Demerera you must 
run North-West until you have the cape which is on 
the East of the island in the estuary on your West, in 
order to avoid the sands which lie along the mainland ; 
and from there you run for the said island, hugging it 
as near as possible, until, having the extremity of this 
[island] on your West, you run towards the strip on the 
East, passing through a channel between the islands 
over a good bottom, as far as a Cape which the land 
here forms. From this Cape you skirt the shore very 
closely because of the sands until you come to an 
island near the land on the East shore, then you run 
West towards the other side. From there on you skirt 
the small islands which are on the Westerly shore as 
far as a Cape which is above a little river. From there 
you follow the said Westerly coast so closely that you 
could fire a stone to it, until you reach another Cape 
which is opposite the first branch of the river; and 
from this Cape you run towards the West shore, 
always over a good bottom. 



Appendix and Index 



Appendix 



GENEALOGICAL NOTES 

THE CHILDREN OF 

JESSE DE FOREST THE WALLOON (I, i) 

AND MARIE DU CLOUX 

Baptisms at Sedan Baptisms at Leyden 

2 Marie, July 7, 1602. 8 Jesse, March i, 1615. 

3 Jean, July 22, 1604. 9 Isaac, July 10, 1616. 

4 Henry, March 7, 1606. 10 Israel, Oct. 7, 1617. 

5 Elizabeth, Nov. i, 1607. 11 Philippe, Sept. 13, 1620. 

6 David, Dec. 11, 1608. 

7 Rachel, 1609 ? 

I, I. Jesse de Forest had ten children and prob- 
ably more, for the church records between 1609 and 
161 5 have not been found. When Jesse planned in 
1621 to emigrate to Virginia, he proposed to take five 
children with him, and according to the Leyden poll 
tax of 1622 we know that the children then at home 
were Jean, Henry, Rachel, Isaac, and Jesse. With re- 
gard to the others we have scant information. Of 
Marie, Elizabeth, Israel, and Philippe we know noth- 
ing except that they had died or were no longer living 
with their parents in 1622. 

II, 3. Jean de Forest, b. 1604; d. 1668.? 
m. 1633, Marie Vermeulen. 

The eldest son (usually called Jan or Johannes) did 
not emigrate with his brothers and sister. In the old 
city archives at Leyden is to be seen the record of his 
marriage on March 9, 1633, to Marie Vermeulen and of 

[ 283 ] 



Appendix 

their residence on the Haerlemerstraet. Jan was some- 
times called a merchant and sometimes a dyer. One 
of the few mentions of him is his claim (for himself and 
his minor brother Isaack) to a certain portion of his 
brother Hendrick's estate. This incident has already 
been related in the foregoing pages. 

A certain Jean de Forest, presumably the son of 
Jesse, died in Leyden on April 6, 1668. 

II, 6. David de Forest (b. 1608) also remained in 
Holland, though there is evidence that he visited New 
Amsterdam later, for he had a son baptized there in 
1659. He could hardly, however, have remained very 
long, as we find no other mention of him and only a 
few years later, in 1665, he is in Leyden acting as 
guardian of his sister Rachel La Montague's three 
grandchildren, the eldest of whom was the little Lys- 
bet, who with her mother, Rachel La Montagne Van 
Imbroech, was carried into captivity by the Esopus 
Indians in 1663. 

II, 7. Rachel de Forest, b. 1609? d. 1643.»* 
m. 1626 Jean Mousnier de La Montagne. 

Rachel had six children. Jolant, born 1627, died 
young. Jesse, born 1629, died soon after 1647. Jean 
(John), born 1632, died 1672; m. 1654 Peternella 
Pikes; was one of the first to take up land in the pro- 
posed village of Nieuw Haerlem, near his father's 
original bouwery. Rachel, born 1634, died 1664; m. 
Dr. Gysbert Van Imbroech. Maria, born 1637, m. 
Jacob Kip. William, born 1641, was still living in 
1695; m. 1673 Elenora de Hooges. 

By La Montague's second marriage with Angenetie 

[ 284 ] 



Genealogical Notes 



Corssen he had two sons, Gilles, born 1650, and Jesse, 
born 1653, who both died young. 

II, 8. Jesse de Forest ( 161 5-1639 ?) left Leyden 
in 1629 with church letters for some place the name of 
which is illegible but which might have been Tobago, 
where his sister Rachel then was with her husband. 
Jesse was married in 1634 in Leyden but was evidently 
no longer living in 1639. 

The story of Jesse de Forest's three children, Hen- 
drick, Rachel, and Isaack, has been told more fully in 
other parts of this book. 

THE CHILDREN OF 

ISAACK DE FOREST OF NEW AMSTERDAM (11,9) 

AND SARA DU TRIEUX 

12 Jessen, 1642-d. y. 19 Philip, 1652-1727. 

13 Susannah, 1645-. 20 Isaac, 165 5-1 700 ? 

14 Gerrit, 1646-d. y. 21 Hendrick, 1657-1715. 

15 Gerrit, 1647-. 22 David, i66c>-d. y. 

16 Marie, 1649 > -d. y. 23 David, 1663-d.y. 

17 M1CHIEL, 1649 I (twins) 24 Maria, 1666-. 

18 Jan, 1650-. 25 David, 1669-1721. 

The names of the fourteen children of Isaack and 
Sara and their baptismal dates are taken from the 
books of the Old Reformed Dutch Church in New 
York. In this record we see the names of many well- 
known men who acted as witnesses (sponsors) — such 
names as Jochem Pietersen Kuyter, Jan de Minuict, 
Jean de la Montagne, Philippe du Trieux, Gerrit de 
Forest, Hendrick Van Dyck (the Fiscal), Gysbert Van 
Imbroech, Willem Beeckman, Jacob Kip, and Johannes 
Verveelen. It is worth noting that two of the babies 



[ 285] 



Appendix 



were named Gerrit and that at the baptism of each 
one a Gerrit de Forest was a witness, giving rise to the 
surmise that Isaack's uncle, Gerard, visited New Am- 
sterdam in 1646 and 1647. 

An account of the seven children who survived Isaack 
and Sara follows. 

Ill, 13. Susannah de Forest, bp. Jan. 22, 1645. 

m. 1665 to Peter De Riemer, the glazier. 
They lived from 1686 to 1697 on the corner of White- 
hall and Bridge Streets. 

Ill, 18. John de Forest, bp. March 27, 1650. 
m. June 8, 1673, Susannah, daughter of Nicholas 
Verlet of Amsterdam, who had become one of 
the burghers in New Amsterdam. 

John was educated as a "chirurgeon" or surgeon. 
In 1670 we find him "entertained as Cuirugion" on 
board the ship The Good Fame of New York, bound 
for England and Holland. At this time he was given a 
document which is endorsed, "Certificate of Deniza- 
tion from Gov. Lovelace to John Deforeest." ^ This 
certificate asserted that "Whereas John Deforeest the 
sonn of Isack Deforeest an Inhabitant of this Citty 
was here att the surrendr thereof," and was a "free 
Denizen of this Colony," he was entitled to hold land 
in any of his Majesty's dominions and also to trade or 
traffic therein. 

On November 30, 1680 (or 1681), John purchased 
eight acres of land on Hoorn's Hook, which he sold 
later. On February 20, 1682, he bought a house and 
lot on Beaver Street, New York. 

^ A contemporary copy is to be seen in the archives of the New York 
Historical Society. 

[ 286 ] 



Genealogical Notes 



He was still living in New York on October 4, 1687. 

Children 

26 Susannah, b. 1676. 

m. 1703 Robert Hickman. 

John's only child that reached maturity. 

Ill, 19. Philip de Forest, bp. Jan. 28, 1652; d. Aug., 
1727. 

m. Jan. 5, 1676, Tiyntie, daughter of Hendrick 

Kip of New York. 

Philip, as well as the rest of Isaack's sons, learned a 

trade, becoming a cooper. He moved to Albany about 

1680, where he served as high sheriff and held other 

important offices. 

In 1727 he died and was buried in Albany. 
Philip was the ancestor of the Albany de Forests, 
the name, however, usually becoming corrupted in that 
locality to Defreest. 

Children 

27 Sara, bp. Jan. 2, 1678, New York. 

28 Susanna, bp. April i, 1684, Albany. 

29 Metje, bp. July 25, 1686. 

30 Isaac, bp, Feb. 20, 1689. 

31 Jesse, bp. Jan. 13, 1692. 

32 Catrina, bp. Nov. 25, 1694. 

33 Johannes, bp. Sept. 12, 1697. 

34 David,^ bp. Sept. 8, 1700. 

m. Nov. 8, 1 71 8, Abigail Van Aalsteyn. 4 sons, 4 daughters. 

35 Abraham, bp. Feb. 21, 1703. 

1 The old family Bible of Philip de Forest (1720-1791), son of David (b. 
1700) and great-grandson of the original Isaack, is in the possession of the 
writer. It is a Dutch Bible, printed in Dordrecht, Holland, in 1741, and 
contains many illustrations and interesting maps. Its binding is of red leath- 
er with very handsome brass corners and brass clasps, and it measures about 
nine by fourteen inches. All the inscriptions are in Dutch and it is notice- 
able that while Philip recorded his own birth as "Phillip De Foreest," a 
later inscription in a different handwriting tells us that "Phillip De Freest" 
in 1791 "fell asleep in the Lord." 



[287] 



Appendix 

III, 20. Isaac de Forest (Jr.), bp. April 25, 1655; 
d. about 1700. 

m. Sept. 4, 1 68 1, Lysbeth, daughter of Lawrence 
Van der Spiegel. 
Isaac was the only one of Isaack's sons who re- 
mained in New York, and he became a baker by trade. 
He held the office of deacon in the Dutch Church in 
1690 and in 1696; he was also appointed Overseer of 
Public Works in 1699. In 1686 he was still living in 
Brouwer Straet, next door to his widowed mother. He 
died about 1700. 

Children 

36 Johannes, b. 1684; d. July 30, 1757, in New York. 

m. June 23, 1705, Catherine Van Ravenstein. 5 sons, 2 daugh- 
ters. 

37 Sarah, 1686-. 
m. John Myer. 

38 Margaret, 1689-. 
m. Harman Rutgers. 

39 Maria, 1694-. 

40 Elizabeth, 1697-. 

m. Rev. Antonius Curtenius. 

Ill, 21. Henricus de Forest, bp. Sept. 9, 1657; d. 

1715- 

m. July 5, 1682, Fiammettia (Phoebe), daughter 
of Barent Van Flaesbeek. 

Henricus was a glazier. "When the Town House at 
Harlem was being built in 1680, Henricus de Forest of 
New York did the glazing of the windows, the allow- 
ance for a day's labor being 5 guilders (^2)." ^ 

In 1686 he lived in Beaver Street, the third house 
from Broad Street, two doors from the house of his 
brother John. Later he settled at Bushwick, Long 
Island, probably on the land which his father had used 

' Riker, James. History of Harlem, Revised Edition, p. 370. 
[ 288 ] 



Genealogical Noteî 



as a hop-garden and orchard. There he became justice 
of the peace and held several other offices. 

In 1705 he removed to Madman's Neck, Hempstead, 
where he had bought land, and became the founder 
of the Long Island branch. 

He died in 171 5. His will is on file in the Surrogate's 
office in New York. In it he calls himself a "yoeman." 

Children 

41 Barent (or Barnet), 1684-1726? 

m. 1708, Catalina Sarley; m. 2nd, 1723, Elizabeth Verduyn. 
2 sons, 3 daughters. 

42 Sarah, 1686-. 

43 Gerrit, 1 689-1 744. 

m. 1716, Cornelia Waldron. 2 sons, 2 daughters. 

44 Henricus, 1691-. 
Apparently a sea captain. 

45 Susannah, 1693-. 
m. Abraham Koning. 

46 Phœbe, 1695-. 
m. Henry Cole. 

47 Maria, 1696-. 

48 Jesse, 1698-1755. 

m. June 14, 1719, Teuntie Titsoort. 2 sons, i daughter. 

Ill, 24. Maria de Forest, bp. July 7, 1666. 

m. 1687, Bernard Darby of London, mariner; 
m. 2nd, 1706, Alderman Isaac De Riemer, son 
of her sister Susannah's husband, Peter De 
Riemer. 

Ill, 25. David de Forest, bp. Sept. 7, 1669; d. April 
20, 1721. 

m. 1696.^ Martha Blagge. 
David, Isaack de Forest's youngest child, became 
the ancestor of the Connecticut branch of the de For- 
ests, and a full account of him has already been given 
in this book. For the records of his children (IV, 49- 
58), see pp. 290-97. 



[ 289 ] 



Appendix 



THE CHILDREN OF 

DAVID DE FOREST OF STRATFORD (III, 25) 

AND MARTHA BLAGGE 

49 Mary, 1696/7-, 54 Isaac, 1706-. 

50 Sarah, 1698-1765. 55 Edward, 1708-after 1758. 

51 Martha, 1700-1764. 56 Henry, 1710-about 1777. 

52 David, 1702-1748. 57 Elizabeth, 1714-1739. 

53 Samuel, 1704-1777. 58 Benjamin, 1716-1780. 

IV, 49. Mary de Forest, b. Jan. 27, 1696/7. 

m. July 21, 1720, Stephen Hawley, b. 1695, son 
of Samuel and Mary (Thompson) Hawley, and 
a member of one of the most notable families 
of Stratford. 

Children 

59 Martha, b. May 16, 1721; d. y. 

60 Hezekiah, bp. June, 1722. 

61 Nehemiah, bp. June, 1722. 
m. Phebe Peet. 

62 Martha, bp. May, 1724. 

IV, 50. Sarah de Forest, b. Nov. 9, 1698; d. June 
8, 1765. 

m. Dec. 24, 1719, Benjamin Lewis, b. 1696, d. 
July 7, 1759. 
Benjamin Lewis was the son of Benjamin Lewis, 
who came to Stratford about 1676 or 1677 and married 
Hannah Curtis. Squire Samuel Lewis, son of Benjamin 
and Sarah, moved to New Stratford in 1755, preceding 
his cousin Nehemiah de Forest, by over twenty years. 

Children 

63 William, 

4 daughters. 
64. Nehemiah, 
I child. 



[ 290 ] 



Genealogical Notes 



65 Hepzibah, bp. June, 1724. 
m. 1743, Daniel Fairchild. 

66 Benjamin, b. Sept., 1729. 

m. Elizabeth . 3 sons, 3 daughters. 

67 Samuel, b. June 23, 173 1; d. 1808. 

m. Feb. 3, 1753, Eunice Patterson. 4 sons, I daughter. 

68 Isaac, b. Sept., 1734. 
m. 4 times. 6 sons. 

IV, 51. Martha de Forest, b. April 13, 1700; d. 
Aug. 5, 1764. 
m. Dec. 8, 1726, Elnathan Wheeler. 

"Deacon Elnathan Wheeler," of Stratford, son of 
Moses, 3rd, and Ruth (Bouton) Wheeler, was a great- 
grandson of the first Moses Wheeler, the Stratford 
ferryman, and a descendant also of Sergeant Francis 
Nichols. Elnathan died March 14, 1761, and left an 
estate which was appraised at £1,619. 

Nathan Wheeler, whose daughter, Mehetabel, mar- 
ried Lockwood de Forest, in 1793, v/as the grandson 
of Deacon Elnathan. 

Children 

69 Ruth, b. Nov. 27, 1727. 

70 Martha, b. Nov. i, 1729. 

71 Sarah, b. Nov. i, 173 1. 

72 Nathaniel, b. Dec. 7, 1733. 

73 Elizabeth, b. Jan. 7, 1735/6. 
m. Mar., 1758, Phineas Sherman. 

74 Mary, b. Jan. 7, 1737/8. 
m. Oct., 1758, George Lewis. 

75 Elnathan, b. May 20, 1740; d. Feb. 14, 1809. 

76 Eunice, b. Dec. 17, 1743. 

IV, 52. David de Forest of Wilton, ist, b. April 
24, 1702; d. 1748. 

m. before 1726 Abigail, daughter of Ephraim 
Clark of Stratford. 
Before 1747 he had apparently married a second 
wife, Rebecca . 



[ 291 ] 



Appendix 



After his father's death in 1721 he inherited the fam- 
ily homestead in Stratford. In 1728 he was chosen one 
of the three tithing-men in Stratford. In 1737 he sold 
his father's old house and the house lot to his father- 
in-law, Ephraim Clark, and then moved to Wilton 
Parish, Norwalk. 

In 1748 "David of Wilton" died, aged 46, and left 
an estate of about £4,000. 

Children 

77 Hezekiah, bp. Dec, 1726. 

m. Mar. 2, 1748, Rebecca Raymond. 2 sons and 4 daughters. 
Served in the French and Indian War. 

78 Lemuel, bp. Aug., 1728. 

m. Dec. 26, 1 75 1, Phebe Keeler, daughter of David and Mary 
(St. John) Keeler. 3 children. 

79 Abigail, b. April 24, 173 1; d. May 8, 1786. 

m. Nov. 9, 1774, James Lockwood of Norwalk (2nd wife). 
3 sons. 

80 David, bp. July i, 1733; d. 1790.? 

m. Aug. 5, 1754, Sarah Olmstead. 5 sons. 

81 Elihu, b. Nov., 1739; d. 1827. 

m. May 4, 1 761, Rachel Lambert, daughter of David and Lu- 
rania (Bills) Lambert. Resided at Ridgefield. 6 children. 
Served in both French and Indian and Revolutionary Wars. 

82 Martha, bp. June i, 1739, in Wilton. 

83 Ephraim, b. 1740; d. 1827. 

m. Sarah Betts about 1764. 6 children. 

He fought in the French and Indian War. 

At the time of the Revolutionary War his land was confiscated 

by regular court proceedings because he was a Loyalist."- 

84 Samuel, bp. in Wilton, May 3, 1746; d. 1795. 
m. 1767, Eleanor Sterling. 

Served in Revolutionary War from 1775 until the army was 
disbanded in 1783; was a lieutenant and an o-riginal member 
of the order of the Cincinnati. 

IV, 53. Samuel de Forest of Moose Hill, b. April 

4, 1704; d. Mar. 24, 1777. 

m. Dec. 30, 1725, Abigail Peat, b. 1706, d. Sep- 
tember 21, 1776, daughter of Samuel and Abi- 
gail (Harvey) Peat. 

^ Todd, C. B. History of Redding, p. jj. 
[ 292 ] 



Genealogical Notes 



A full account of Samuel and Abigail de Forest has 
already been given. For the records of his children 
(V, 85-93) see pp. 297-301. 

IV, 54. Isaac de Forest of Newtown and New Mil- 
ford, b. Dec. 14, 1706. 

m. Aug. 17, 1732, Elizabeth, daughter of Captain 
Stephen Noble. 

In several records it is stated that this Isaac died 
leaving no sons, but on examining the evidence it seems 
more likely that he simply moved to Newtown and 
was lost sight of. At any rate, there was an Isaac de 
Forest "of Newtown" who moved to New Milford in 
1727 and it does not seem possible that this could have 
been other than Isaac, son of David of Stratford. There 
was apparently no other Isaac de Forest who could 
have been in Connecticut at that period, nor was 
there one of the proper age except Isaac, born 1706, 
son of David of Stratford. The facts from which a de- 
duction may be drawn are as follows : — 

On April 20, 1721, David de Forest of Stratford died. 

On May 21, 1724, the appraisal of David's estate 
was made, and Isaac, then eighteen years old, chose 
his mother as his guardian. 

On April 10, 1725, the estate was distributed. 

On April 21, 1727, Isaac sold land "near ye Field 
Gate" (part of his inheritance from his father) to his 
brother Samuel. It is probable that he was already 
living in Newtown at this time. 

On October 25, 1727, Isaac "of Newtown" bought 
of Zachariah Ferriss 41 acres of land in New Milford 
and settled there soon afterward.^ 

^ Orcutt, Rev. Samuel. History of New Milford. 
[ 293 ] 



Appendix 



On August 17, 1732, he married Elizabeth, daughter 
of Capt. Stephen Noble of New Milford. 

Children 

94 Isaac, son of Isaac and Elizabeth, bp. June 16, 1734; d. at 
Florida, N.Y. 

m. Jan. 11, 1763, Rachel Bostwick. 

Served in French and Indian War, 1757-58 as a private. 
Served in Revolutionary War, 1776, as First Lieutenant. 
His commission and leather wallet, in which a bullet lodged, 
are in the possession of some of his descendants.^ 
Benjamin, the son of Isaac and Rachel, was born in 1764 and 
married Clarissa Canfield in 1788. They had i son, Isaac, and 2 
daughters. 

IV, 55. Edward de Forest of Stratford, b. July 25, 
1708; d. after 1758. 

m. June, 1733, Eunice, daughter of Samuel Uffoot 

(Ufford). 

Edward was the only son of David de Forest and 

Martha Blagge who continued to live in Stratford. 

He died about 1758 and his estate, though not footed 

up, was clearly of considerable value. 

Children 

95 Zeruiah (Zerua), b. June 20, 1734; d. 1754. 

96 Isaac, b. July 8, 1736. 
I son. 

Served in French and Indian War. 

97 Elisha, bp. July, 1738; d. 1804. 

m. Oct. 28, 1767, Sarah, daughter of Richard Hubbell. 3 sons, 

5 daughters. 
Served in both French and Indian and Revolutionary Wars. 

98 Eunice, b. Sept. 2, 1739. 

99 Martha, b. Nov. 22, 1741. 
100 Edward, b. Mar. 2, 1743. 
lOi John, b. Aug. 20, 1745. 

m. Abigail Walker of Woodbury. Settled in Woodbury . 5 sons, 
3 daughters. 
102 Sarah, b. Feb. 2, 1748. 

^ See Book of Lineages, Daughters of American Revolution, Washington, 
D.C. 



[ 294 ] 



Genealogical Notes 



103 Ann, b. Jan. 28, 1750. 
m. Thomas Curtis. 

104 William, b. June 17, 1752. 
Served in Revolutionary War. 

105 Mary, b. Mar. 9, 1755. 

106 Joseph, b. 1758. 

m. Mar. 31, 1779, Anne Lamson. 4 sons, 4 daughters. 
Served in Revolutionary War. 



IV, 56. Henry de Forest of Moose Hill, b. July 
4, 1710; d. between 1773 and 1777. 

m. 1746, Martha . 

May 28, 1728, he chose for his guardian his cousin, 
Samuel Blagge, who gave bonds in £100. 

He moved to Moose Hill after his marriage and 
died in his home there at some date between 1773 
and 1777. 

Children 

107 HuLDAH, b. Sept. 14, 1747. 

108 Henry, b. Mar. 15, 1750. 
Served in Revolutionary War. 

109 Timothy, b. Dec. 8, 1751. 
Served in Revolutionary War. 

1 10 Daniel, b. April 15, 1755. 

IV, 57. Elizabeth de Forest, b. June 4, 1714; d. 
Oct. 3, 1739. 
m. Feb. 20, 1734, Josiah Marvin of Norwalk. 

Josiah Marvin, b. about 17 10 in Norwalk and d. 
about 1780, was the son of Lieut. Samuel and Hannah 
(Piatt) Marvin. He was a prominent citizen of Nor- 
walk and held many important public offices. He left 
an estate of £831 in land besides many valuable 
chattels. 

The tombstone of Elizabeth de Forest Marvin is 
still standing in the Sharps Hill burying-ground. 

[ 295 ] 



Appendix 



Children 

born in Norwalk of Elizabeth de Forest, Josiah Marvin's first 
wife. 

111 Daniel, b. 1736? 

112 Jared, b. 1737? 

113 JosiAH, b. 1739?; d. in the British army on Long Island dur- 

ing the Revolutionary War. 

IV, 58. Benjamin de Forest of Ripton, b. May 18, 
1716; d. April 17, 1780. 
m. April 18, 1744, Esther Beardsley, d. 1763. 

Benjamin of Ripton was the youngest child of David 
of Stratford; his father died when he was only five 
years old and he remained with his mother and her sec- 
ond husband for twelve years. Then, being still under 
age, he chose as his guardian his brother David. 

On April 18, 1744, he married Esther, daughter of 
Abraham Beardsley of Stratford. This is to be found 
in the record of " m'' Gold y^ married "^ " — the first 
record that we find of a de Forest being married by a 
minister. 

In 1746 we find Benjamin established as a farmer 
in Ripton Parish. He was much occupied with public 
affairs, church matters, and school committees. 

In 1763 his wife "Easter," as she was often called, 
died; he then married for a second wife Sarah . 

Both he and Sarah died in 1780, in their sixty-fourth 
year, and lie buried in the Ripton graveyard. 

Children 

114 Hezekiah, b. Dec. 14, 1745; d. 1808, at Ripton. 
m. Mary Adams. 4 sons, 2 daughters. 

115 Nehemiah, b. April i, 1748. 

m. Rebecca Blakeman. i son, 2 daughters. 
Served in the Revolutionary War. 

116 Benjamin, b. Dec. 28, 1749; d. Aug. i, 1784, at Ripton. 
m. 1773, Mehitable, daughter of Hezekiah Curtis. S sons, 
I daughter. 



i 

[ 296 ] 



Genealogical Notes 



He was especially active on committees during the Revolu- 
tionary War.i 

117 Catherine ("Cate"), b. Mar. 18, 1753. 
m. Samuel Mallett. 

118 Esther, b. May 29, 1755. 

m. Samuel Thompson and removed to Litchfield. 

119 Isaac (Mier?), b. Dec. 16, 1758; d. Jan. 24, 1813, at Livonia, 
m. Mary (Polly) Gregory; settled in Livonia, Livingston Co., 
N.Y. 4 sons, 2 daughters. 

120 Othniel, b. April 10, 1761; d. Feb. 18, 1811. 

m. July 18, 1784, Hannah, daughter of Capt. Beach Tomlin- 

son of Ripton. 3 sons, 2 daughters. 
He was for a number of years clerk of the church in Ripton. 



THE CHILDREN OF 

SAMUEL DE FOREST OF MOOSE HILL (IV, 53) 

AND ABIGAIL PEAT 

85 Martha, 1726-. 90 Samuel, 1739- before 1770. 

86 Mary, 1729-1817. 91 Nehemiah, 1743-1801. 

87 Joseph, 1731-1777.' 92 David, 1745-1783. 

88 Hepzibah, 1734-183 1. 93 JosiAH, 1748-1749. 

89 Elizabeth, 1737-. 

V, 86. Mary de Forest, bp. Feb. 3, 1729; d. Mar. 
31, 1817. 

m. Oct., 1750, Elisha Mills, b. Mar. 26, 1732, d. 
April 7, 1 8 16, son of Rev. Jedediah and Abi- 
gail (Treat) Mills. 
He was a merchant in Ripton (afterward called 
Huntington) for many years, a very honored and re- 
spected citizen during the Revolutionary War and 
afterward. He was a delegate from Stratford with 

1 David C. de Forest, eldest son of Benjamin and Mehitable, was the 
"Don DeForest" whose memory is still kept alive in New Haven. As a 
young man he went to South America and there amassed a very large for- 
tune. He afterward settled in New Haven and was the donor to Yale Col- 
lege of the "De Forest prize," a medal given annually for superiority in 
English composition and declamation. This is still the most coveted prize 
in the gift of Yale. 



[ 297 ] 



Appendix 

William Samuel Johnson at the time of the ratifica- 
tion of the Constitution of the United States. He was 
elected to this position because he was in favor of 
the Constitution against a large opposition. He was 
several times sent as the Huntington representative 
to the General Assembly. 

Elisha died in Huntington in 1816, in his eighty-fifth 
year. Mary died in 18 17, in her eighty-ninth year. 

Children 

121 Annie, b. Dec. 31, 1751; d. Dec. 29, 1831. 
m. 1767, Agur Judson, d. 1837. 

122 Mary, b. Nov. 28, 1753; d. 1784. 
m. 1776, Elias Beers. 

123 Hepsa, b. Sept. 2, 1755; d. 1803. 

m. 1777, Rev. David Ely of Huntington. 

124 AuRELiA, b. Dec. 14, 1757. 
m. 1784, Joseph Darling. 

125 Abigail Elizabeth, b. May 26, 1760. 
m. 1783, Isaac Plummer. 

126 Sarah Apama, b. Oct. 19, 1762; d. Dec. 14, 1842. 

m. 1783, Rev. Zebulon Ely, who was pastor at Lebanon during 
42 years. 

127 Elisha Treat, b. Jan. 14, 1765; d. Aug. 10, 1826. 
m. Catherine Lewis, d. i860. 

He was a graduate of Yale. Removed later to Fairfield. 

128 Isaac, b. Mar. 7, 1767. 
m. Abby Phelps. 

He was a graduate of Yale. 

129 Samuel Peat, b. Mar. 12, 1769. 
m. Sally Tomlinson. 

He was a graduate of Yale. 

130 William, b. Mar. 8, 1771; d. Dec. 10, 1773. 

V, 87. Joseph de Forest, b. Nov. 17, 173 1, in Strat- 
ford; died at about the same time as his father 

(1777)- 

m. Aug. 18, 1757, Susannah Mills of Windsor, 
Conn. 
They lived in Stratford during their early married 
life but came later to the hill country. 

[ 298] 



i 



Genealogical Notes 



Joseph received from his father as part of his por- 
tion 15 acres of the family homestead at Moose Hill 
and built his own home upon this land. He died at 
Moose Hill about 1777, aged about 46 years. 

Children 

131 Samuel, b. July 15, 1758; d. Feb. 15, 1837. 

m. 1781, Mary Curtis, d. Oct. 18, 1840. 3 sons, 2 daughters. 
Lived later at Ballston, N.Y. 
Served in the Revolutionary War. 

132 Abel, b. April 28, 1761; d. at Binghamton, N.Y. 

m. Nov. 25, 1787, Mary (Polly), b. Aug. 2, 1764, daughter of 

Nathaniel Hawley of Stratford. 
Lived later at Edmeston, Otsego Co., N.Y. 4 sons, 3 daughters. 
Served in the Revolutionary War. 

133 Mills, b. May 24, 1763. 

Removed to Orange Co., Vermont; lived later at Lemmington, 

Vermont. 
Served in the Revolutionary War. 

134 Gideon, b. Sept. 14, 1765; Dec. 9, 1840. 

m. Nov. 5, 1793, Hannah Birdseye, b. May 29, 1773. 
Settled in 1795 at Edmeston, Otsego Co., N.Y. 5 sons, 3 

daughters. 
Served in the Revolutionary War. 

135 Sally, b. Oct. 3, 1767. 

136 Elihu, b. Feb. 6, 1771; died young. 

Joseph's four sons, Samuel, Abel, Mills, and Gideon, as one of 
them said, were "all born under the same roof in Stratford." They 
served in the Revolutionary War and were known as "The Four 
Revolutionary Brothers." Samuel, Abel, and Mills returned after 
the war to Ripton township and were still living there in 1790. 
Later they removed as shown above. 

V, 88. Hepzibah de Forest, bp. at Stratford May 
29, 1734; d. Jan. 13, 1831. 

m. 1757, Milton Hawley, b. Sept. 12, 1734, d. Jan. 
10, 1 8 19, son of Capt. Francis and Ann (Clark) 
Hawley. 
Their house on Barn Hill, built at about the time 
of their wedding, is still standing. 

Milton Hawley died in 18 19, aged 85. Hepzibah, 
"Aunt Hepsy," died in 183 1, aged 97. 

[ 299 ] 



Appendix 



Children 

137 Philena, b. Aug., 1758; d. Mar. 15, 1786. 

m. William Scott of New Stratford, d. Jan. I, 1824. 

138 Cyrus (Capt.), 

m. Mary, daughter of Elijah Curtiss. 

(Children: Jane, who married Linson de Forest; Charles Haw- 
ley, Lieut-Gov. of Conn.) 

139 Hepzibah, b. 1762; d. unmarried, May 28, 1842, aged 80. 

140 Charity, b. 1764. 

m. William Carpenter. 

141 Francis. 

m. Betsey Ransom. 

142 Elisha, b. 1769. 
m. Nancy Blakman. 

143 Nancy, "died early." 

V, 91. Nehemiah de Forest of New Stratford, b. 
Jan. 24, 1743; d. Dec. 9, 1801. 
m. 1st, Dec. 20, 1769, Mary, b. Aug. 31, 1745, 
d. Oct. 17, 1790, daughter of Deacon Peter and 
Abigail (Hawley) Lockwood of Norwalk; m. 
2nd, Aug. 28, 1793, Eleanor Hickock of South- 
bury, d. May 5, 1825. 
A full account of Nehemiah has already been given. 
For the records of his children (VI, 144-52), see pp. 
301-06. 

V, 92. David de Forest, b. July 9, 1745; d. June 

2, 1783. 

m. Hannah Lum. 

David settled in Derby. He was very active there 
during the Revolutionary War, serving on committees 
for the care of the families of soldiers during their 
absence, and on other committees "to invite and aid 
persons in making and forwarding" clothing for the 
soldiers themselves. 

He was repeatedly a representative from Derby at 
the General Assembly. 



[ 300 ] 



Genealogical Notes 



He died in 1783, aged thirty-eight, and his grave- 
stone at "Up Town" tells of "Mr. David De Forest 
who as a son husband parent and member of society 
merited unreserved love and esteem. " All of David's 
children eventually left Derby. 

Children 

153 Richard, b. Jan. 7, 1768; d. July 10, 1776. 

154 David Lum. 
Settled on Long Island. 

155 Isaac. 

Removed to Hudson and died there, leaving two daughters. 

156 Samuel Hervey. 

Moved to Dover Plains, N.Y. 

157 Joseph. 

m. Leah Alarks. 4 children. 

Moved to Washington, Dutchess Co., N.Y. 

158 Hephsa. 

159 Eunice, 

160 Polly. 

m. Samuel Stevens. 6 children. 
Moved to Clinton, Dutchess Co., N.Y. 

161 Hannah. 

m. John Balding. 4 sons. 

Moved to Washington, Dutchess Co., N.Y. 

THE CHILDREN OF 

NEHEMIAH DE FOREST OF NEW 

STRATFORD (V, 91) 

FIRST WIFE, MARY LOCKWOOD 

144 Abby, 1771-1857, 148 Philo, 1779-1826.' 

145 William, 1773-. 149 De Lauzun, 1781-1815. 

146 LocKWOOD, 1775-1848, 150 Betsey, 1785-1841. 

147 Polly, 1777-1810. 

SECOND WIFE, ELEANOR HICKOCK 

151 Charles 1st, 1794-d.y. 152 Charles 2nd, 1795-1865. 

VI, 144. Abby de Forest, b. March, 1771; d. 1857. 
m. 1797, Legrand Moss Lewis, "Esq.," b. 1769, 

[ 301 ] 



Appendix 



d. April 29, 1808, son of Robert and Eunice 
(Wells) Lewis. 

He was several times sent to the General Assembly 
as Representative from Huntington and it was said 
of him, "He stood very high in public esteem in church 
and town, and had he lived, would beyond doubt have 
held a prominent place in civil affairs." 

Abby was left a childless widow after eleven years of 
happy married life. With her sister Polly she went to 
New Haven in 1809. In 1818, after the death of her 
brother De Lauzun and after her brother Lockwood 
had moved to New York, she returned to New Strat- 
ford. Later "Aunt Lewis" lived with her niece, Mrs. 
Skinner, in Fairfield until 1845, after which she made 
her home with her half-brother Charles and his wife 
in Bridgeport. She lived with them twelve years until 
the time of her death in 1857, when she was in her 
eighty-seventh year. 

VI, 145. William de Forest, b. June 13, 1773. 

m. 1st, Sarah ; m. 2nd, Widow Lucretia 

Canfield. 

Soon after his father's death in 1801 William went 
to Bridgeport to live. He kept a store in a building still 
standing on the corner of State and Main Streets. For 
this store he paid an annual rental of $100. 

When his half-brother, Charles, married his second 
wife, William greeted her thus: "Welcome, sister. A 
place for everything and everything in its place. Let 
this be your motto." The same sister-in-law told the 
writer that he "was very quaint and old-fashioned and 
yet quite full of humor." 

T. T. Waterman, who gave an address in 1864 on 

[ 302 ] 



Genealogical Notes 



"Reminiscences of lOO Years in Monroe [New Strat- 
ford]," said of him: "Deacon William I remember as 
one of the prominent men in the church in Bridgeport 
of which my father was long pastor. He was a gentle- 
man of fine appearance, genial manner, kind, shrewd, 
and sympathetic. His quick uttered words, expressive 
smile, and graceful gestures would interest children 
and men in advanced life. He lived to a good old age 
and died a few years since in the triumph of Christian 
faith." ' 

Children 

162 Isaac. 

m. Sarah Bartram. I son. 

163 lockwood n. 

164 William. 

m. Louisa A. Bassett. 

165 Marcus. 

166 Mary Ann. 

m. Mar. 6, 1834, George St. John of Norwalk. 3 sons, 2 daugh- 
ters. 

VI, 146. LocKwooD DE Forest, b. March 5, 1775; 
d. Nov. 28, 1848. 

m. July 14, 1793, Mehetabel Wheeler, b. Sept. 9, 
1777, d. Jan. 23, 1864, daughter of Nathan and 
Charity (Beach) Wheeler. 
A full account of Lockwood and Mehetabel has al- 
ready been given. For the records of his children (VH, 
167-80) see pp. 307-12. 

VI, 147. Polly de Forest (Mary, named for her 

mother, Mary Lockwood), b. April 27, 1777; d. 

Nov. 18, 1 8 10, at New Haven. 

m. Nov. 16, 1797, Samuel Moss Monson, b. 1774, 

d. March 11, 1803, son of Rev. Samuel and his 

wife Mary (Moss) Monson. 

1 Hurd, Duane H. History of Fairfield County. 
[ 303 ] 



Appendix 



The marriage was not a happy one. The young man 
had charge of his father's property and squandered it 
all. His mother was the daughter of Joseph Moss of 
New Stratford and had inherited the Moss homestead 
there. Because of the misdoings of their son, the Rev. 
Samuel and his wife were obliged in 1797 to sell their 
homestead to Nathan Wheeler. 

Soon after her husband's death Polly Monson moved 
to New Haven, where her brothers, De Lauzun and 
Lockwood, were living, and there she died in 18 10, 
aged thirty-four. 

A son, W. Nelson Monson, was born Sept. 3, 1798. 
His uncle, Legrand M. Lewis, left money for the boy's 
education. 

Children 
181 W. Nelson, b. Sept. 3, 1798. 

VI, 148. Philo de Forest, b. July 21, 1779; d. 
March 9, 1826. 
m. Polly Ann ("Nancy") , d. 1836. 

When Nehemiah de Forest moved to Weston in 
1798, he took his son Philo as a partner in "Centre 
Store" under the firm name of "Nehemiah Deforest 
& Son." In 1804, after Nehemiah's death, Philo and 
his stepmother, Eleanor, with the other heirs, sold the 
property. Thereafter Philo is spoken of as "of South- 
bury" until 1 8 10, when he purchased a dwelling-house 
in Bridgeport from his brothers. 

We know nothing further about him except that he 
died in Stratford in 1826, aged forty-six. 

VI, 149. De Lauzun de Forest, b. June 30, 1781; 
d. Nov. 27, 1815. 

[ 304 ] 



Genealogical Notes 



m. May i8, 1808, Lydia, daughter of Capt. Wil- 
liam Brintnall of New Haven. 

De Lauzun was named for the Due de Lauzun, a 
French officer who served in the Revolutionary War 
and spent the night of De Lauzun's birth at his father's 
inn in New Stratford. 

His share of his father's estate was one third less 
than the shares given to the other sons, the father as- 
signing as his reason for this difference, "on account 
of the education I have given him." 

After his father's death in 1801, he and his brother 
Philo for a short time owned a store in Bridgeport, but 
in 1803 De Lauzun was already living in New Haven. 
He was a very quiet, rather studious man and during 
the later years of his life kept a bookstore. 

He died in New Haven in 181 5, in his thirty-fifth year. 

Children 

182 Elizabeth, d. 1874. 
Unmarried. 

183 William B., b. 181 1; d. 1887. 
m. Mary Abernethy. 

I son, William, A., b. 1848; d. 1908. 

VI, 150. Betsey de Forest, b. Jan. 16, 1785; d. un- 
married Oct. 29, 1 841. 

Betsey after her father's death moved with her step- 
mother to Bridgeport, but her sister Abby becoming 
a widow in 1808, Betsey joined her and they made their 
home in New Haven. It was presumably in 18 18, when 
Abby returned to New Stratford, that Betsey went to 
New York to make her home with her brother Lock- 
wood. 

She died in his house, 22 St. Mark's Place, in 1841, 
aged fifty-six. 

[ 305 ] 



L 



Appendix 

VI, 151. Charles de Forest ist, b. Jan. 28, 1794; 
lived only three days. 

VI, 152. Charles de Forest 2nd, b. Aug. 10, 1795; 
d. July 28, 1865. 

m. 1st, Oct. 27, 1825, Mary Ann, daughter of Jesse 
Sterling; m. 2nd, Oct. 5, 1842, Maria Louisa 
Hopkins.^ 
Charles moved to Bridgeport with his mother Elea- 
nor and lived with her until her death on May 5, 1825. 
In October of the same year he married. His "Aunt 
Lewis" (Abby de Forest) lived in his home for the last 
twelve years of her life. 

Charles died in Bridgeport in 1865, aged sixty-nine. 

Children, first marriage 

184 Elizabeth, b. Oct. 6, 1826. 

185 Ann Maria, b. Aug. 11, 1828. 

186 Charles Sterling, b. Oct. 25, 1830; d. Oct. 8, 1839. 

187 Sarah Sterling, b. Oct. 30, 1834. 

188 Edward Francis, b. Feb. 25, 1836; d. Sept. 19, 1839. 

Children^ second marriage 

189 Charles Edward, b. Aug. 4, 1843; d. Aug. 22, 1843. 

190 Arthur Hopkins, b. Mar. 27, 1857; d. Nov. 27, 1905. 

^ The second Mrs. de Forest after her husband's death married the 
Rev. Benjamin L. Swan. 



Genealogical Notes 



THE CHILDREN OF 

LOCKWOOD DE FOREST (VI, 146) 

AND MEHETABEL WHEELER 



167 William Wheeler, 
I 794- I 866. 

168 AIary Lockwood, 
1 797- 1 889. 

169 Susan, 1799-1879. 

170 Eliza, 1801-1882. 

171 Jane, 1804-1877. 

172 George Beach, 1806- 
1865. 

173 Ann Mehetabel, 
1809-1889. 



174 Sarah, 1811-1881. 

175 Alfred Henry, 1813-1816. 

176 Frederick Lockwood, ist, 
1816-1817. 

177 Louisa, 1818-1887. 

178 Henry Grant, 1820-1889. 

179 James Goodrich, 1822- 
1903. 

180 Frederick Lockwood, 2nd, 
1825-1878. 



VII, 167. William Vl^HEELER DE Forest, b. Dec. 24, 
1794; d. Jan. 19, 1866. 



VII, 168. Mary Lockwood de Forest, b. Feb. 17, 
1797; d. 1889. 
m. Roger Sherman Skinner, Sept. 25, 1817. 



191 John, b. Nov. 30, 1819. 
m. Catharine Perry. 

192 Eliza de Forest, b. Aug. 27, 
1823; d. Sept. 9, 1849. 

193 Mary Sherman, b. Jan. 2, 
1826; d. March 15, 1913. 
m. 1st, Samuel Dexter 

Marsh; m. 2nd, John W. 
Fitch, 1856; m. 3rd, Samuel 
Harris, 1877. 

194 Leonard Wales, b. Nov. 12, 
1827. 

195 William Wheeler, b. Jan. 15, 
1830. 



236 Roger Sherman. 

237 William Perry. 

238 Frederick Downer. 

239 Mary de Forest. 
. 240 Leonard Wales. 



241 Helen Eliza (Marsh). 



[ 307 ] 



Appendix 



196 Jane Wakeman, b. April 3, 
1832. 

m. Rev. Timothy Dwight of 
New Haven, 1866. 



242 Helen Rood. 

243 Winthrop Edwards. 



VII, 169. Susan de Forest, b. June 3, 1799; d. May 
12, 1879. 
m. Daniel Lord, Jr., May 16, 18 18. 

197 Daniel de Forest, b. April 17, 
1819; d. 1894. 

m. 1st, Mary Howard Butler, 
1844; m. 2nd, Elizabeth Riley. 



244 Daniel. 

245 Franklin Butler. 



198 John Crary, b. Mar. 7, 1821; f 246 Susan. 

d. 1873. ] 247 Margaret Hawley. 

« m. Margaret Hawley, 1846. i 248 John Crary, Jr. 



199 Phoebe Lucretia, b. May 31, 
1823; d. 1895. 
m. Henry Day, 1849. 



200 James Couper, ist, b. June 22, 
1825; d. Sept. 3, 1825. 

201 James Couper, 2nd, b. Mar. 
17, 1827; d. 1869. 

m. Margaretta Hunter Brown, 
1852. 

202 Sarah, b. April 10, 1829. 
m. Henry C. Howells, 1887. 

203 Edward Crary, b, Sept. 27, 
1831; d. 1892. 

m. Emily Livingston, 1864. 

204 George de Forest, b. Nov. 21, 
1833; d. 1892. 

m. Frances Theodora Shelton, 
1877. 



249 Sarah Lord. 

250 Henry Lord. 

251 Eliza Skinner. 

252 John Lord. 

253 George de Forest Lord. 

254 Susan de Forest. 



255 Grace Davison. 

256 James Brown. 

257 Eliza Brown. 

258 William Brown. 



259 Cornelia Livingston. 

260 George de Forest, Jr. 



VII, 170. Eliza de Forest, b. April 12, 1801; d. Jan. 

22, 1882. 

m. Samuel Downer, Dec. 22, 1823. 

[ 308 ] 



Genealogical Notes 



205 Frederick William, b. Jan. I, 
1825; d. 1904. 
m. Sarah W. Downer, 1855. 



206 Samuel Robinson, b. Jan. 8, 
1827; d. 1891. 
m. Charlotte F. Downer, 1845. 



207 Eliza de Forest, b. Dec. 17, 
1829; d. Dec. 31, 1834. 

208 Charles, b. Jan. 18, 183 1 ; d. 
Nov. 1 84 1. 



261 Frederick William. 

262 Lisa de Forest. 

263 Sophia W. 

264 Louis de Forest. 

265 Charlotte F. 

266 Eliza de Forest. 

267 Adeline. 

268 William Forbes. 
. 269 Bertha A. 



VII, 171. Jane de Forest, b. April 12, 1804; d. Oct. 
20, 1877. 
m. Burr Wakeman, Mar. 22, 1826. 



209 Louise, b. Jan. 4, 1827; d. 
Mar. 7, 1863. 

m. James Hall Mason Knox, 
Sept. 17, 1846. 



270 Jane de Forest. 

271 Louise Wakeman. 



VII, 172. George Beach de Forest, b. Dec. 27, 
1806; d. Sept. 23, 1865. 
m. Margaret Eliza de Forest, April 6, 1836. i 



210 Margaret Eliza, b. Jan. 27, 
1837; d. 1882. 

211 Benjamin Lockwood, b. Feb. 
23, 1840; d. Nov. II, 1885. 

m. Kate Louise Knapp, 1864. 



212 Josephine, b. Dec. 13, 1841; 
d. May 14, 1842. 

213 George Beach, b. 1848. 1 
m. Anita Hargous, 1882. J 

214 Caroline, b. 1850. 

215 Edward Wheeler, b. 1852; d. 
1854. 



272 Helen. 

273 Benjamin. 

274 Shepherd Knapp. 

275 Augusta Spring. 

276 Edward Layton. 



277 Louis Stanislas Hargous. 



[ 309 ] 



Appendix 



VII, 173. Ann Mehetabel, b. Mar. 13, 1809; d. 
1889. 
m. Simeon Baldwin, Jr., Oct. 27, 1830. 



216 Henry, b. Feb. I, 1832. 
m. Cornelia Estelle Hoskins, 
1872. 



217 Simeon, b. May 13, 1836. 
m. Mary S. Marven, i860. 



278 Francis Hoskins. 

279 De Forest. 

280 David Higginbotham. 

281 Simeon. 

282 Anne Estelle. 

283 Anne Marven. 

284 Henry de Forest. 

285 Charles Marven. 

286 Maud Dominick. 

287 Lockwood de Forest. 

288 Roger Sherman. 



VII, 174. Sarah de Forest, b. Mar. 27, 181 1; d. 

Nov. 29, 1 88 1. 

m. Walter Edwards, Sept. 28, 1830. 



218 Edwin Wakeman, b. May 
20, 1832; d. 1886. 

219 Walter, b. Feb. S, 1834; d. 
1895. 

m. Camilla Leonard, 1863. 

220 Mary Porter, b. Nov. 29, 
1838. 

m. Thomas Sedgwick Van Vol- 
kenburgh, 1872. 

221 Susan Lord, b. May 20, 1841; 
d. Dec. 31, 1849. 

222 Charles Atwood, b. May 22, 
1844. 

m. Sara Katharine Hiller, 1874. 



' 289 Camilla. 

290 Alice Minturn. 

291 William Henry Leonard. 

292 Hetty de Forest. 



293 Susie Edwards. 



294 Abby Hiller. 

295 Sarah de Forest. 

296 Helen Aldis. 

297 Katharine Hiller. 



223 Wheeler de Forest, b. Nov.' . ^^g Katharine Livingstone. 

^' '^^^' T a ^ XT ,Qo, 1 299 Helena Roosevelt, 
m. Emma Lefferts Knox, 1881. *• ^^ 

VII, 175. Alfred Henry de Forest, b. Aug. 20, 
1813; d. Dec. 31, 1816. 

[ 310 ] 



Genealogical Notes 



VII, 176. Frederick Lockwood de Forest, ist, b. 
Aug. 8, 1816; d. Sept. 8, 1817. 

VII, 177. Louisa de Forest, b. Aug. 20, 181 8; d. 
Jan. 21, 1887. 
m. 1st Samuel M. Woodruff, Oct. 25, 1836 (Lost at 

sea in S.S. Arctic, 1854); m. 2nd Tliomas Ferris 

Cock, M.D., Feb. 6, 1866. 

224 Lockwood de Forest (Wood- 
ruff), b. Feb. I, 1838; d. 1876. 



VII, 178. Henry G. de Forest, b. Aug. 3, 1820; d. 
Nov. 18, 1889. 
m. Julia Mary Weeks, April 15, 1847. 



225 Robert Weeks, b. April 25, 
1848. 

m. Emily Johnston, Nov. 12, 
1872. 

226 Lockwood, b. June 23, 1850. 
m. Meta Kemble, Nov. 1 1, 188- 

227 Julia Brasher, b. Oct. 12, 
1853; d. June 6, 1910. 

228 Henry Wheeler, b. Oct. 29, 

1855. . 

m. Julia Gilman Noyes, Aug. 

22, 1898. 



300 Johnston. 

301 Henry Lockwood. 

302 Ethel. 

. 303 Frances Emily 



304 Judith Brasher. 

305 Alfred Victor. 

306 Lockwood, Jr. 



' 307 Julia Mary. 

308 Henry Wheeler, Jr. 

309 Charles Noyes. 

310 Alice Delano. 



VII, 179. James Goodrich de Forest, b. Oct. 3, 
1822; d. 1903. 
m. Julia T. Hallett, Mar. 31, 1852. 



229 Louise Woodruff, b. Feb. 2, 

1853- 

m. Maynard HoUister, 1886. 

230 Hettie Wheeler, b. May 18, 
1854; d. 1855. 



311 Louise Maynard. 



[311 ] 



L 



Appendix 



231 Eliza Hallett, b. Mar. 28, 
1856. 
m. Charles M. Russell, 1885 

232 William Wheeler, b. July 10, 
1857; d. Feb. 16, 1905. 

m. Mabel Menzies, 1899. 

233 James Goodrich, b. Dec. 16, 
1858. 

234 Frederick Lockwood, b. Oct. 
12, i860; d. March 14, 1905. 
m. Lydia Krug, 1902. 

23s Stephen Hallett, b. Aug. 10, 
1862. 
m. Leila B. Dean, 1891. 



312 Louis de Forest. 



VII, 180. FrederickLockwood DE Forest, b. Dec. 
2, 1825; d. Jan. 15, 1878. 
m. Julia Desha, Nov. 7, 1866. 



GENEALOGICAL CHART 



THE MALE DESCENDANTS OF 

DAVID DE FOREST OF STRATFORD 

THROUGH THE THIRD GENERATION 

This chart is based on the genealogical records in "The de Forests of 
Avesnes" and on a chart of the male descendants of David of Stratford, 
compiled about 1853, by Dr. John De Forest of Watertown, Conn. 
(1806-1885). These records have been corrected wherever possible by 
comparison with accurate family records. In this chart the plan is 
adopted of showing the six sons of David of Stratford in the order of their 
seniority, followed in each case by the second and third generations. 

I, I David of Stratford, bp. Sept. 7, 1669; d. April 20, 1721. 
m. 1696.^ Martha Blagge. 

2. David of Wilton ist, 1702-1748. 

3. Samuel of Moose Hill, 1704-1777. 

4. Isaac of Newtown and New Milford, 1706-. 

5. Edward of Stratford, 1708-after 1758. 

6. Henry of Moose Hill, 1710-about 1777. 

7. Benjamin of Ripton, 17 16-1780. 

II, 2 David of Wilton ist, b. 1702; d. 1748. 
m. Abigail Clark, before 1726. 

(Rebecca member of Wilton ch. 1747, probably 2nd wife.) 

34 Uriah (2), b. 1756. 
m. Phebe Dunning, 1780. 

35 Hezekiah, b. 1770. 



8 Hezekiah, (i)S b. 1726. 
m. Rebecca Raymond, 1748. 



9 Lemuel, b. 1728. 
m. Phebe Keeler, 1751. 



ID David of Wilton 2nd, b. 1733; 
d. 1790 ? 
m. Sarah Olmstead, 1754. 



36 Davidof Wilton 3rd (2), b. 175s; 
d. 1788. 

m. Sabra Mead, 1776. 

37 Samuel, b. 1757. 

38 Isaac (2)^^, b. 1761. 

m. Deborah Ingersoll, 1784. 

39 Eliud, b. 1769. 

m. Isabel Hayt, 1790? 

40 Clark, b. 1772; bp. 1777. 



1(1) following a name stands for "served in the French and Indian War"; 
(2) stands for "servedin the Revolutionary War"; (i, 2) stands for service 
in both wars. 

* The Isaac who performed military service in the Revolution was either 
this Isaac or Isaac, son of Benjamin of Ripton. See Appendix, p. 327. 



[ 313 ] 



Appendix 



II Elihu, (i,2),i b. 1739; d. 1827. 
m. Rachel Lambert, 1761. 



41 David Lambert (2), b. 1762. 
m. Barnum. 

42 Joseph, b. 1764. 

43 Benjamin, b. 1771. 
m. Mary Burloch. 

44 Bills Clark, b. 1782. 



12 Ephraim (i), b. 1740; d. 1827. 
m. Sarah Betts, 1764? 

13 Samuel (2), bp. 1746; d. 1795. 
m. Eleanor Stirling, 1767. 



45 Nathan, b. J765. 

46 Zalmon, b. 1770. 

47 Henry, b. 1778. 

48 Samuel, b. 1784. 

49 Ephraim B., b. 1787. 



II, 3 Samuel of Moose Hill, b. 1704; d. 1777. 
m. Abigail Peat, 1725. 



14 Joseph of Moose Hill, b. 173 1; 
d. 1777? 
m. Susannah Mills, 1757, 



15 Samuel, b. 1739 



16 Nehemiah of New Stratford, b 
1743; d. 1801. 

m. Mary Lockwood, 1769; m. 2nd 
Eleanor Hickock, 1793. 



• 50 Samuel (2), b. 1758; d. 1837. 
m. Mary Curtis, 1781. 

51 Abel (2), b. 1761. 

m. Mary Hawley, 1787. 

52 Mills (2), b. 1763. 

53 Gideon (2), b. 1765; d. 1840. 
m. Hannah Birdseye, 1794? 

54 Elihu, b. 1771, d.y. 

55 William, b. 1773. 

m. 1st Sarah ; 2nd, Widow 

Lucretia Canfield. 

56 Lockwood, b. 1775; d. 1848. 
m. Mehetabel Wheeler, 1793. 

57 Philo, b. 1779; d. 1826. 

m. Polly Ann ("Nancy") . 

58 De Lauzun, b. 1781; d. 1815. 
m. Lydia Brintnall, 1808. 

59 Charles, b. 1794; d.y. 

60 Charles, b. 1795; d. 1865. 

m. 1st, Mary Ann Sterling, 1825; 
m. 2nd, Maria Louisa Hopkins, 
1842. 



17 David of Derby, b. 1745; d. 

1783. 

m. Hannah Lum. 

18 Josiah, b. 1748; d.y. 



61 Richard, b. 1768; d. 1776. 

62 David Lum. 

63 Isaac (N?) 

64 Samuel Hervey. 

65 Joseph. 



' (i) following a name stands for "served in the French and Indian War"; 
(2) stands for "served in the Revolutionary War"; (1,2) stands for service 
in both wars. 



[314] 



Genealogical Chart 



II, 4 Isaac of Newtown and New Milford, b. 1706, 

m. Elizabeth Noble, 1732. 
19 Isaac (i,2X' b. 1734. ( 66 Benjamin, b. 1764. 



m. Rachel Bostwick, 1763. 



m. Clarissa Canfield, 1788. 



II, 5 Edward of Stratford, b. 1708. 

m. Eunice Uffoot (Ufford), 1733. 
20 Isaac (i), b. 1736. d-j Benjamin. 



21 Elisha (1,2), b. 1738; d. 1804. 
m. Sarah Hubbell, 1767. 



68 Isaac, b. 1768. 

69 Daniel, b. 1771. 
m. Phoebe Offoot. 



22 Edward, b. 1743. 



23 John, b. 1745. 
m. Abigail Walker. 



24 William (2) b. 1752. 

25 Joseph (2), b. 1758. 
m. Anne Lamson, 1779. 



70 James (2)*. 

71 Curtis. 

72 Philo. 

73 John. 

m. Alma Colton. 

74 Edward. 

75 James. 

'jS William, b. 1787. 
"]•] Joseph, b. 1790. 

78 Mitchell Lamson, b. 1792. 

79 Curtis, b. 1803. 



II, 6 Henry of Moose Hill, b. 1710; d. 1773-77. 
m. Martha , 1746. 

26 Henry (2), b. 1750. 

27 Timothy (2), b. 175T. 

28 Daniel, b. 1755. 

II, 7 Benjamin of Ripton, b. 1716; d. 1780. 
m. Esther Beardsley, 1744. 



29 Hezekiah, b. 1745; d. li 
m. Mary Adams. 



30 Nehemiah (2), b. 1748. 
m. Rebecca Blakeman. 



80 Augustus, bp. 1777. 

81 Erastus, b. 1777. 

82 Philo, b. 1783. 

83 Samuel Adams, b. 1792. 
m. Polly Beers. 

[ 84 Ebenezer, b. 1780. 



^ (i) following a name stands for "served in the French and Indian War"; 
(2) stands for "served in the Revolutionary War"; (1,2) stands for service 
in both wars. 

2 The James who performed military service in the Revolution was either 
this James or James, son of John and grandson of Edward of Stratford. 
See Appendix, p. 341. 



[3'S] 



Appendix 



31 Benjamin, b. 1749; d. 1784. 
m. Mehitable Curtis, 1773. 



32 Isaac, b. 1758; d. 1813. 
m. Mary Gregory. 



33 Othniel, b. 1761; d. 181 1. 
m. Hannah Tomlinson, 1784. 



85 David Curtis, bp. 1774; d. 1825. 
m. Julia Wooster, 181 1. 

86 John Hancock, b. 1776; d. 1839. 
m. Dotha Woodward, 181 1. 

87 William, b. 1778; d. 1802. 

88 Benjamin, b. 1780; d. 1848. 
m. Alma Southmayd, 1805. 1 

89 Ezra, b. 1782; d. 1868. 
m. Laura Wooster, 1808. 

90 Aaron. 

91 Grandison. 

92 Isaac. 

93 Samuel or Lemuel. 

94 Alonzo; d. 1845. 

m. 1st, Sarah Milliman, 1803; 2nd, 
Electa Hawks, 1821. 

95 Linson, b. 1787; d. 1822. 
m. Jane Hawley, 1807. 

96 Sidney. 

97 Charles, b. 1794. 

m. Catherine Burloch. 



i 



WAR RECORDS 

Of the de Forests included in the following war 
records, six fighting in the French and Indian War 
and twenty-five in the Revolution, the connection 
of all but seven with the line of David of Stratford 
is reasonably clear. In each instance the father and 
grandfather of the soldier are mentioned, if they are 
known. These comprise all the Connecticut de Forests 
who became soldiers. 

With reference to these records of war-time service, 
it is pleasant to note in passing that not one de Forest, 
so far as known, appears on the muster rolls or in any 
other record as a deserter. This might not be remark- 
able except for the vast numbers of desertions which 
were constantly embarrassing the Revolutionary com- 
manders — especially Washington, who frequently 
laments the fact. 

In the rosters of the War of the Revolution the name 
of de Forest appears only in those published by Con- 
necticut, Massachusetts, and New York. In Massachu- 
setts we find records of Henry, Jonathan, and Valen- 
tine de Forest or de Foret, all privates. For New York 
State the record is fuller. A large contingent of de 
Forests, de Forrests, and de Freest§ or de Fries ap- 
pear on the records, among whom were three cap- 
tains — Jacob, Isaac, and Philip; one ensign, David; 
and one lieutenant, Derick. Among the privates the 
following names are found: Jesse, Philip, William, 
Abraham, Henry, David P., John, Peter, James, Reu- 
ben, and Ebenezer. 

[ Z^7 ] 



Appendix 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 

RECORDS OF DESCENDANTS OF DAVID 

DE FOREST OF STRATFORD 

At least six Connecticut de Forests, descendants of 
David of Stratford, served in the French and Indian 
War — three of them in two separate campaigns. 

Some of our information concerning these six men is 
derived from certain quaintly spelled old muster rolls 
which, buried in dust, were recently found in a garret. 
They are the only ones known to be preserved. From 
these records is quoted the phrase, "Each man rode a 
horse from Fairfield." 

As many as eight different de Forests appear on the 
New York State records, but it is impossible to say 
what their connection may have been with the Con- 
necticut branch of the family. 

Hezekiah de Forest (son of David of Wilton 1st 
and grandson of David of Stratford). 

Quartermaster in Captain Jonathan Camp's troop 
of horse, 9th Regiment, May 5, 1755. 

MSS. Conn. State Library 308, b. 

"This Assembly do establish and confirm Mr. Hezi- 
kiah De Forest to be Quarter-Master of the troop of 
horse in the 9th Regt. in this Colony, and order that 
he be commissioned accordingly. May, 1755." 

Colonial Records of Conn., vol. x, p. 365. 

Coronet [cornet — an officer whose rank nearly cor- 
responded to that of second lieutenant] troop of horse 
in the 9th regiment. May 11, 1758. 

Captain of same, May, 1760. . 

Colonial Records of Conn., vol. xi, pp. 131 and 374. m 

I 



[ 318 ] 



War Records 



Captain troop of horse, as below: — 
"To the Honorable General Assembly at Harford pur- 
suant to the within order I gave legal warning to the 
troop of Horse under my command to meat at Nor- 
walk on Monday the 3rd Instant who accordingly met 
and made choice of Ezra Gregory Quartermaster by a 
considerable majority of said troops and hope to good 
satisfaction praying he may be commissioned accord- 
ingly. 

Hezekiah Deforest" 
May 3, 1769. 

MSS, Conn. State Library, 563 b. 

Elihu de Forest^ (son of David of Wilton ist and 
grandson of David of Stratford). 

Private in Captain Daniel Bradley's company of 
New Haven, Colonel Andrew Burr's regiment, Con- 
necticut Militia, raised for service at the time of the 
alarm for the relief of Fort William Henry and parts 
adjacent. Other company officers were from Fairfield. 
Served sixteen days, from August 7-23, Campaign of 
1757. According to the record, "Each [of the men 
named] rode a horse from Fairfield." 

Collections Conn. Historical Society, vol. ix, p. 201. 

Private in 2nd Company, James Smedley, Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel and Captain, Colonel David Wooster's 
4th Regiment, Connecticut Militia. Enlisted March 
31, discharged Nov. 14, Campaign of 1758. "Each . . . 
rode a horse from Fairfield." The General Assembly 
in March, 1758, resolved to raise for the coming cam- 
paign 5,000 men, including officers, the force to be di- 
vided into four regiments of twelve companies each. 

^ See also Revolutionary Record, Appendix, p. 322, 
[ 319 ] 



Appendix 



These troops were to act in conjunction with those of 
the other New England colonies under Major-General 
Abercromby, commander-in-chief of the King's forces 
in North America. 

Coll. Conn. Hist. Soc, vol. x, p. TJ. 

Ephraim de Forest^ (son of David of Wilton ist 
and grandson of David of Stratford). 

Private in 9th Company, Captain Thaddeus Mead 
of Norwalk, General David Wooster, Colonel of 3rd 
Regiment, Connecticut Troops. Enlisted April 6, dis- 
charged December 3, Campaign of 1759. The General 
Assembly in March, 1759, resolved toj-aise 3,600 men, 
officers included, for the coming campaign and gave 
"further encouragement" for 400 men to enlist, the 
force to be divided into four regiments of ten companies 
each. Many Connecticut men had enlisted into his Ma- 
jesty's regular troops during the last winter and into the 
pay of the neighboring governments for this campaign. 

Coll. Conn. Hist. Soc, vol. x, p. 159. 

Private in ist Company, David Wooster Captain 
and Colonel of 3rd Regiment, Connecticut Troops. En- 
listed April 2, discharged November 23, Campaign of 
1760. The General Assembly resolved in March, 1760, 
to raise 5,000 men, officers included, the force to be di- 
vided into four regiments of twelve companies each. 

Coll. Conn. Hist. Soc, vol. x, p. 210. 

Isaac de Forest of New Milford ^ ^ (son of Isaac of 
Newtown and New Milford, and grandson of David of 
Stratford). 

^ Ephraim was a Tory at the time of the Revolutionary War. 

* See also Revolutionary Record, Appendix, p. 338. 

* For statement of the reasons for connecting Isaac of New Milford with 
the line of David de Forest, see Appendix, p. 293. 

[ 320 ] 



War Records 



Private in Captain John Hitchcock's Company 
(Hitchcock was of New Milford), Colonel Ebenezer 
Marsh's Regiment, Connecticut Militia. One of the 
eighteen who "rode horses from New Fairfield." 

"Dr. Colony of Conn, to Capt. John Hitchcock and 
company under his command in Col. Ebenezer Marsh's 
regiment for their service at ye time of alarm for relief 
of Fort William Henry and places adjacent, Aug., 1757. 
Isaac De Forest. 17 days in service. 6-22." 

Coll. Conn. Hist. Soc, vol. ix, p. 225. 

Private in 2nd company, Benjamin Hinman of Wood- 
bury, Captain and Lieutenant-Colonel, Colonel Elea- 
zer Fitch's 3rd Regiment Connecticut Troops. En- 
listed April 5, discharged November 17, Campaign of 
1758. 

Coll. Conn. Hist. Soc, vol. x, p. 55. 

Isaac de Forest (son of Edward of Stratford and 
grandson of David of Stratford). 

Private in Captain Isaiah Brain's Company, Colonel 
Andrew Burr's Regiment, Connecticut Militia, called 
into service for relief of Fort William Henry. Served 
sixteen days, August 7-23, Campaign of 1757. "Each 
. . . rode a horse from Stratford." 

The General Assembly in February, 1757, resolved 
to raise 1,400 men to be formed into one regiment of 
fourteen companies to act in conjunction with the regu- 
lar troops under command of the Earl of Loudon. In 
October the General Assembly ordered the enlisting 
of three companies of ninety-four men each, officers 
included, out of the troops already in service to remain 
in service during the winter. . . . The alarm in August 
. . . called out many of the militia. 
Coll. Conn. Hist. Soc, vol. ix, p. 200. 

[ 321 ] 



Appendix 

Elisha de Forest ^ (son of Edward of Stratford and 
grandson of David of Stratford). 

Private in Captain Samuel Whiting's 4th Company, 
2nd Regiment Connecticut Troops, Colonel Nathan 
Whiting of New Haven. Enlisted March 29, dis- 
charged Dec. 5, Campaign of 1762. The General As- 
sembly in March, 1762, resolved to raise 2,300 men, 
officers included, "to march to such place or places in 
North America as his Majesty's said Commander in 
Chief shall appoint." This force was to be divided into 
two regiments of twelve companies each. 

Coll. Conn. Hist. Soc, vol. x, p. 328. 

REVOLUTIONARY WAR RECORDS 

Elihu de Forest^ (son of David of Wilton 1st and 
grandson of David of Stratford). 

Lieutenant 8th Company, Alarm List in l6th Con- 
necticut Regiment, Colonel Nehemiah Beardsley com- 
manding. Commissioned October, 1779. 

MSS. Conn. State Library, 2581 b. 

Elected Captain of the Company as above. Com- 
missioned May, 1780. 

MSS. Conn. State Library, 2636 a. 

Samuel de Forest of Wilton (son of David of Wil- 
ton 1st and grandson of David of Stratford). 

Private in Captain Matthew Mead's Company, 5th 
Connecticut Continental Regiment,^ Colonel David 

* See also Revolutionary Record, Appendix, p. 340. 

' See also French and Indian War Record, Appendix, p. 319. 

^ Regimental Record: 5th Connecticut, raised on Legislature's first call 
for troops April-May, 1775. Recruited mainly in Fairfield County. Marched 
to New York late in June, encamped at Harlem with Major-General Woos- 
ter's command. About September 28th, ordered by Congress to the North- 
ern Department, taking part in operations along Lakes George and Cham- 
plain. Term of service expired December, 1775. 

Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, pp. 39, 64. 

[ 322 ] 



War Records 



Waterbury commanding. Enlisted May 8, 1775; dis- 
charged September 17, 1775. 

Record of Service of Connecticut Men in the War of the Revolution, 
p. 67. 

"Sam'll Deforest, rank not stated, served in the 5th 
Regiment of Connecticut Troops. His name appears 
on an account, dated at Hartford, Conn., April 12, 
1776, of the names of the men that returned their arms 
at Ticonderoga, by order of the general, belonging to 
Captain Matthew Mead's Company, Colonel David 
Waterbury's Regiment, 1775, which account shows 
that he was credited with £2. 8s." 

United States War Office Records. 

Samuel evidently re-enlisted after his discharge on 
September 17th, in time for service in the Northern 
Department in the fall of 1775. 

On January i, 1777, Samuel was appointed for three 
years sergeant in Captain Ezekiel Sanford's Com- 
pany, 5th Connecticut Regiment,^ Colonel Philip Burr 
Bradley commanding. Promoted to sergeant major, 
January i, 1778. His name is borne from July to 
November, 1778, on the rolls of Captain Abner Prior's 
Company, same regiment. On the muster roll for 

^ Regimental Record: of 5th Connecticut Regiment from 1777 to 1781. 

Raised for the Continental Line in 1777, to continue through the war. 
Recruited largely in Fairfield and Litchfield Counties; rendezvous, Dan- 
bury. Went into camp at Peekskill, New York, spring of 1777, and in Sep- 
tember was ordered to Pennsylvania with McDougall's Brigade. Engaged 
at battle of Germantown October 4, 1777; wintered at Valley Forge, 1777- 

78. June 28, 1778, present at battle of Monmouth; went into camp with 
main army at White Plains, and wintered at Redding, Connecticut, 1778- 

79. In operations of 1779 served in Heath's wing, east side of Hudson; its 
Light Company under Captain St. John was detached to Meigs's Light 
Regiment and engaged in storming Stony Point, July 15, 1779. Wintered 
at Morristown, 1779-80, and in the following summer served in Connecti- 
cut Division with the main army on both sides of the Hudson. Wintered 
1780-81 at Camp "Connecticut Village" near the Robinson House, oppo- 
site West Point, and there consolidated for formation of 1781-83. 

Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, p. 193. 



[ 323 ] 



Appendix 

November, 1778, of Captain John St. John's Company, 
same regiment, he is shown to have been commis- 
sioned ensign, December 15, 1777. 

On July 16, 1779, Ensign Samuel de Forest of Wilton 
was detached from the 5th Regiment with a Light Com- 
pany of "47 Rank & File" to serve with Meigs's Light 
Regiment for the assault on Stony Point. Transferred 
in July, 1780, to Colonel Bradley's Company, same 
regiment; was commissioned August 27, 1780, as first 
lieutenant in Lieutenant-Colonel Jonathan Johnson's 
Company, same regiment. 

United States War Office Records. 

Heitman's Historical Register of Officers of the Continental Army, 
p. ISO. 

Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, pp. 194, 242, 360. 

Samuel was transferred about January, 1781, to 
Captain Wright's Company (also designated Captain 
Robertson's Company), 2nd Connecticut Regiment,^ 
commanded by Colonel Heman Swift. For his gallant 
service, mentioned in General Heath's Orders for No- 
vember 18, 1781, see chapter, "The de Forests in War 
Time," vol. i, p. 235. 

His name is last borne, without remark, on the mus- 
ter roll of Captain Wright's Company for April, 1783. 
He was retired with the rest of the army, June, 1783. 
Samuel was one of the original members of the Society 
of the Cincinnati. 

Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, pp. 306, 322, 373. 

^ Regimental Record: 2nd Regiment, Connecticut Line 1781-83. In 
this formation the 2nd Regiment was composed of the consolidated 5th and 
7th Regiments of the previous formation. 

Marched from Camp Connecticut Village, to Peekskill in June, 1781. 

From there the troops of the Connecticut Line marched with the army 
to Phillipsburg. The regiment remained in camp at West Point and vicin- 
ity from January, 1783, until early in June, when by Washington's orders 
this regiment, with the greater portion of the army, was disbanded. 

Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, pp. 304, 360. 

[ 324 ] 



War Records 



The records of the Connecticut Historical Society 
(volumes viii and xii) further substantiate the details 
of Samuel's service and give various additional items : 
"Supplies, 1777-79. An alphabetical account of the 
names of those who have received supplies from towns, 
their value at the stated price of 1776 [fixed by the 
Assembly] and the value of the money lodged by the 
soldiers together with the name of ye town to which 
they belong ... 5 Samuel Deforest, Ensign, Norwalk." 
(Volume XII, p, 28.) There are several such accounts. 

Upon deposit by the soldier of a proportion of his 
wages, the selectmen of the town to which he belonged 
were authorized to expend said amount for the support 
of the soldier's family. 

The manuscripts of the Connecticut State Library 
give similar items in fuller detail. 

In further illustration of the scale of expenditure 
of the Revolutionary soldier the following list is of 
interest : — 



Lieut. Samuel De Forest, 


Dr. 




July 20, 1780 — 






To I uneform coat 




L9-00-0 


( 


I woolin vest 




3-06-0 


< 


2 Linnin '* 




2-08-0 


( 


I Pair Woolin Breeches 


3-03-0 


( 


I " Linnin 




i-io-o 


( 


' 2 shirts 




3-12-0 


< 


2 stocks 




0-14-0 


« 


2 Pair Worsted Hoes 




l-II-O 


t 


2 " Linnin " 




I-OO-O 


t 


2 " shoes 




1-04-0 


< 


I Beavour Hatt 




2-00-0 



28-09-0 
For which I paid twenty-nine Pounds one shilling. 

Miscellaneous Rolls and Accounts, vol. xli, p. 10. 

Uriah de Forest (son of Hezekiah and grandson 
of David of Wilton ist). 

[ 325 ] 



Appendix 

Private in Captain Samuel Comstock's Company, 
9th Regiment Connecticut Militia, Lieutenant-Colonel 
John Mead commanding. Company pay roll, dated 
Fairfield, May 15, 1777, shows that Uriah marched 
August 12, 1776, discharged September 28, 1776. At 
New York, 1776. 

Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, pp. 454, 458. 
United States War Office Records. 

David de Forest of Wilton 3rd (son of David of 
Wilton 2nd, grandson of David of Wilton 1st). 

Private in Captain Matthew Mead's Company, 5th 
Connecticut Continental Regiment,^ Colonel David 
Waterbury commanding. Term of service: May, 1775, 
to December, 1775. Served in the Northern Depart- 
ment and engaged in the siege of St. John's, Canada, 
October, 1775. 

Heitman's Historical Register of Continental Officers. 

Continental Regiments, 1775: Returns of men in 
service. "Each of these returns sent in to the state au- 
thorities from the different towns and is signed by the 
selectmen of the town from which it is sent and gives 
the names of persons resident in that town who had 
been employed in the continental service in 1775 and 
who under a law passed in December of that year were 
exempted from the payment of certain taxes to the 
state. . . . Norwalk, David de Forest." 

Coll. Conn. Hist. Soc, vol. xii, pp. 8, 9. 

The following items are also of record. It is to be 
questioned whether they refer, under a mistake in the 
dates, to the service of 1775 previously stated, or to a 
brief term of service in one of the two regiments raised 

^For Regimental record see Appendix, pp. 322, 323, footnotes. 

[ 326 ] 



War Records 



by Colonels Waterbury and Ward which served early 
in 1776 at New York and Brooklyn. The rolls are in- 
complete. 

"One David Deforest, rank not stated, served in 
Captain Matthew Mead's Company, Colonel David 
Waterbury's Regiment of Connecticut troops. A com- 
pany pay roll dated at Stamford, Fairfield County, 
May 21, 1777, shows that he enlisted January 12, 
1776, and was discharged January 15, 1776. 

United States War Office Records. 

Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, p. 387. 

"One David Deforest, rank not stated, served in 
the 7th Company [Captain Samuel Comstock's], 9th 
Connecticut Militia, commanded by Lieutenant-Col- 
onel John Mead. The company pay roll, dated at Fair- 
field, May 15, 1777, shows that he marched August 
12, 1776, and was discharged September 11, 1776." 

United States War Office Records. 

Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, p. 458. 

Isaac de Forest.^ (He may have been the Isaac, b. 
176 1, who was a son of David of Wilton 2nd and whose 
brother David, six years his senior, had responded to 
the first call for troops in Connecticut in 1775. On the 
other hand, it may have been Isaac, b. 1758, son of 
Benjamin of Rip ton. It is impossible to verify the iden- 
tity of this soldier, but it seems probable that he be- 
longed to the soldier family of David of Wilton ist.) 

Isaac enlisted as a private in October, 1777, in the 
9th Regiment, Connecticut Militia. An Isaac, prob- 
ably the same one, in May, 1778, enlisted as a pri- 
vate in Colonel Roger Enos's Regiment, Connecticut 
Militia. 

* Parentage in doubt. 
[ 327 ] 



Appendix 



Lambert DE Forest (David Lambert) of Danbury(?) 
(son of Elihu and grandson of David of Wilton ist). 

Private in Lieutenant-Colonel Samuel Canfield's 
Regiment, Connecticut Militia, September, 1781. 
Served at West Point, New York. 

Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, p. 583. 

" THE FOUR REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERS " 

Four of the great-grandsons of David of Stratford 
who served honorably in the Revolution were known 
as "The Four Revolutionary Brothers.*' They were 
Samuel, Abel, Mills, and Gideon, sons of Joseph of 
Moose Hill and grandsons of Samuel and Abigail of 
Moose Hill. 

Their records are as follows: — 

Samuel de Forest {The Fifer).^ A private in Cap- 
tain Samuel Blackman's Company of Volunteers, 
Stratford, Connecticut, raised for the defense of New 
York. Term of service: November i, 1775, to April 15, 
1776; served in New York. 

Private in Captain Beach Tomlinson's Company, 
4th Regiment Connecticut Militia, Lieutenant-Colonel 
Ichabod Lewis of Stratford commanding. Term of 
service: July i to September 20, 1776; served in New 
York, orderly ("waiter") to Lieutenant Peter Curtiss. 

Private in Lieutenant Isaac Burr's Company Con- 
necticut Militia. Term of service: September, 1776, 
to September, 1777; served at Black Rock, Fairfield, 
Connecticut. 

Private in Captain Wells's and Lieutenant Enoch 
Davis's Companies May, 1778; served two months 
and ten days on scout duty on the Hudson River near 

' See Narrative of Samuel de Forest, p. 239 in Volume I. 

[ 328 ] 



War Records 



Peekskill, New York. Dismissed at Fredericksburgh, 
New Jersey. 

Sergeant in Connecticut Militia, drafted for two 
months' service at Old Stratford, to keep guard. 

Private in Connecticut Militia, New Haven, Fair- 
field, and Norwalk Alarms, July 5, 1779; served four- 
teen days to guard towns. No commissioned officer in 
command. 

Narrative of Samuel de Forest. 

The following is of record. 

Samuel de Forest, Fifer in Captain Gamaliel North- 
rup's 6th Company, ist Battalion, Wadsworth Bri- 
gade Connecticut State Troops, Colonel Gold S. Silli- 
man. Term of service: June, 1776, to December 25, 
1777; engaged in battles of Long Island and White 
Plains. 

Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, pp. 393, 394. 

If the "Fifer" mentioned above is Samuel, the son 
of Joseph of Moose Hill, it is evident from a compari- 
son of this record with the record "Narrative" of Sam- 
uel that the terms of service conflict. It is conceivable, 
however, that the Samuel of the "Narrative" enlisted 
with Captain Northrup's Company in June, 1776, and 
was transferred to Captain Tomlinson's Company, 
4th Connecticut Militia, with which body we know him 
to have served in New York and Long Island. 

A further detail of evidence is given below: — 

"One Samuel Deforrest served as a fifer in Captain 
Gamaliel Northrup Jr.'s Company ... in service 1776. 
. . . His name appears on a muster roll of the Company 
dated July — [1776 }] which shows that he was twenty 
years of age. [Samuel, the son of Joseph, was eighteen 

[ 329 ] 



Appendix 



years old in July, 1776.] No further record of him has 
been found." 

United States War Office Records. 

Samuel de Forest of Ballston, New York, pension 
certificate No. 1,102 issued October 26, 1832. 

Pension Office Records. 

Abel de Forest (son of Joseph of Moose Hill and 
grandson of Samuel of Moose Hill). 

Private in Lieutenant Curtis's ^ Company Connecti- 
cut Militia; was on guard at Stratford ; year not known. 
[1777.?] 

Declaration of Abel de Forest. 

Private in Captain [Joseph] Bennett's Company, 
[Lieutenant] Colonel [Samuel] Canfield's Regiment, 
Connecticut Militia, January i, 1778. Served three 
months; discharged at Byram's Bridge, near Horse- 
neck, Connecticut. 

Private in Major Eli Leavenworth's Company, 6th 
Regiment Connecticut Line, Colonel Return Jonathan 
Meigs commanding. Enlisted May I, 1778 [presum- 
ably 1779] for eight months, mustered in June, and 
joined the army at Quaker Hill, Dutchess County, 
New York, and went from there to Nelson's Point, 
opposite West Point. After a few days was detached 
to join Meigs's Light Infantry Regiment at Bedford, 
Westchester County, New York. Joined Colonel But- 
ler's Regiment [2nd Regiment, Connecticut Line — 
Colonel Zebulon Butler], discharged at Redding, Con- 
necticut, on or about January i, 1779 [probably 

^ Ephraim Curtis was Lieutenant of the 4th Regiment of Guards, Con- 
necticut Militia, Colonel Samuel Whiting, raised for the defense of Con- 
necticut in March, 1777, stationed at Fairfield and Stratford. 

Coll. Conn. Hist. Soc, vol. viii, p. 180. 

[ 330 ] 



War Records 



Morristown Huts, 1780], after having rejoined Colonel 
Meigs's Regiment, which had gone into winter quar- 
ters at that place. 

Declaration of Abel de Forest. 

Abel has probably confused the records of two years. 
Meigs's Light Regiment was not organized until July, 
1779, and so Abel's service with it could not have been 
in 1778. He probably joined in the attack upon Stony 
Point unless an illness to which he refers prevented. 

Abel de Forest's name does not appear in the printed 
rosters of the regiments mentioned in that part of his 
"Declaration" quoted above, but it is stated on the 
authority of Gideon Welles (Comptroller, Connecti- 
cut, 1844), in a letter attached to the "Declaration," 
that there is "no roll of Short Levies in Col. Meigs's 
Regt. (6th) 1779 (if returns were made they are lost)." 
Abel refers, however, to Orderly Sergeant Worcester, 
undoubtedly Walter Wooster, Sergeant of Major Eli 
Leavenworth's Company, 6th Regiment, 1 777-1 780, 
and to Adjutant Aaron Benjamin of Stratford, who 
was Adjutant of Meigs's Light Infantry Regiment, 
July, 1779, as men with whom he remembers serving. 

For Wooster and Benjamin, see Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, 
pp. 207, 230, 241. 

The following record for the summer of 1780 is re- 
ferred to in Abel's Declaration as being of the year 
1779. This is manifestly impossible if we accept his 
statement that he was with Meigs's Light Regiment. 

Private in Captain [James] Burton's Company, Col- 
onel [John] Mead's Regiment of drafted militia; spring 
of 1779 [1780], served two months and was discharged 
at Horseneck. 

Declaration of Abel de Forest. 



[ 331 ] 



Appendix 



Private in Captain [Benjamin] Hickock's Company 
[3rd Regiment Light Horse, Connecticut Militia], 
Major [Ezra] Starr; enlisted June or July, 1779 [1780]; 
served two months as substitute for Ephraim Black- 
man; discharged at Horseneck. 

Declaration of Abel de Forest. 

The Record of Service of Connecticut Men in the 
War of the Revolution, p. 563, verifies the names of 
these officers as of 1780. 

Private in Captain Thorp's Company of drafted 
militia; served at Stratford and Norwalk two months 
on guard duty, 1779 [1780]. 

Declaration of Abel de Forest. 

In the letter from Gideon Welles is the following 
notation : — 

"Coast Guard Service 

Capt. Thorp. — Jan. 25, 1779. 
Jan. 3, 1781. 
No Pay-RoUs found, consequently no men's 
names." 
Private, Lieutenant-Colonel Jonathan Johnson's 
Company, 5th Connecticut Regiment, Connecticut 
Line, Colonel Philip Burr Bradley commanding. En- 
listed July I, 1780, discharged December 12, 1780. 
(List of Levies.) 

Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, p. 203. 
Coll. Conn. Hist. Soc, vol. xii, p. 202. 
MSS. Conn. State Library, 87a, 88a, vol. 38. 

According to Abel's Declaration, he was "on and 
about" the Hudson River during the summer of 1780, 
in the neighborhood of Stony Point, and in the State 
of New Jersey until time to go into winter quarters. 
"Was at Tappan, Headquarters, at the time of Ar- 

[ 332 ] 



War Records 



nold's treason and Andre's execution [October 2, 1780], 
which he witnessed. Went into winter quarters at a 
place called Connecticut Huts . . . and was there dis- 
charged." ^ 

For corroboration, see Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, p. 193. 

Private in 2nd Regiment,^ Connecticut Line, Colo- 
nel Heman Swift commanding; Captain Caleb Bald- 
win's Company. Enlisted August 27, discharged De- 
cember 12, 1 78 1. (Pay Roll of Short Levies.) 

Coll. Conn. Hist. Soc, vol. viii, p. 98. 

Of his service at this period Abel states that he was 
detailed much of the time under Corporal [Thalmeno] 
Bishop to work in the laboratory making cartridges. 
He claims to have been discharged January i, 1782, 
but of this we have no further record. 

Abel de Forest, Otsego County, New York. Pen- 
sion certificate No. 8,614 issued March 22, 1833. 

Pension Office Records. 

Mills de Forest (son of Joseph of Moose Hill and 
grandson of Samuel of Moose Hill). 

Private in Captain Joseph Birdsey's Company Con- 
necticut Militia. Served two months from February 
to April, 1778, as a volunteer. Marched to Saw Pitts, ^ 
New York. Stationed on guard duty. 

^ There is some confusion in Abel's record as to whether he served in the 
5th Connecticut or in the 7th Connecticut under Colonel Heman Swift. 
The record as to dates and whereabouts is practically identical for both 
regiments, but the printed rosters indicate only the service in Colonel 
Bradley's command. Abel served later (1781) under Colonel Swift in a 
different formation. See text. 

* Formation of 1 781- 1783, composed of the 5th and 7th Regiments of 
previous formation. Abel continues to refer to it as the 7th Regiment. Col- 
onel Swift commanded under both formations. 

^ Now Port Chester, then a point of military importance. 



[ 333 ] 



Appendix 



Private in Captain Curtis's ^ Company, Connecti- 
cut Militia. Served two months from April to June, 
1778, as volunteer. Stationed at Stratford; guarded 
the port. 

Declaration of Mills de Forest. 

Private in Continental Army (officers and regiment ^ 
unknown), serving as substitute for Elijah Judson of 
Stratford, who had entered for six months and fallen 
ill soon after enlisting. Relieved Judson at White 
Plains about July, 1778. Detached under command 
of Major [John?] Grosvenor, marched to Waterbury, 
Connecticut, and was employed in making the military 
road from Hartford to Danbury until the setting in 
of winter. Marched to Redding, Connecticut, where 
troops went into winter quarters, and there discharged. 

Declaration of Mills de Forest. 

Private in Captain or Lieutenant Bailey's militia 
company, from January, 1779. Served as volunteer 
two months. Coast guard service. 

Private in Captain Hinman's Regiment [13th Regi- 
ment Connecticut Militia, Colonel Benjamin Hinman 
commanding]. Served two months at Peekskill, New 
York. March, 1779.^ 

Declaration of Mills de Forest. 

Private in Captain Elijah Chapman's Company, 

^ Connecticut General Assembly in 1778 directed that six battalions 
should be in readiness for " any tour of duty wherever the militia were li- 
able to be called." Eleazer Curtis, Jr., was major of one of these battalions, 
and may have served on coast guard duty before going to the Hudson in 
June, 1778. 

R.R. Hinman's Historical Collection . . . of the Part Sustained by Conn, 
during the War of the Revolution, pp. 300-14. 

2 The Third Regiment, Connecticut Line (1777-1781), Samuel Wyllys, 
Colonel, was encamped at White Plains with Washington's main army in 
the summer of 1778. Wintered at Redding, 1778-79. This was probably 
the organization Mills entered as substitute. 

Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, p. 168. 



[ 334 ] 



War Records 



Fifth Regiment, Connecticut Line, Colonel Philip 
Burr Bradley, enlisting at Stratford in June or July, 

1779, for six months. Joined army at Nelson's Point 
opposite West Point, and served in building of North 
Redoubt at Nelson's Point, which was completed in 
October. Guarded redoubt. Went into winter quarters 
at Morristown. Met with a severe fall, breaking two 
ribs, and was honorably discharged before term of en- 
listment expired. 

Declaration of Mills de Forest. 

Enlisted at Stratford July, 1780 [for six months], 
went to Danbury; company passed muster ^ and joined 
army at Nelson Point. Stationed there two months; 
marched thence into New Jersey. Stationed at Tappan 
and saw execution of André [October 2, 1780]. 

Discharged a few days before his term expired "on 
account of the severity of the winter and the scarcity 
of provisions" in December, 1780. 

Mills's Declaration further states that he served a 
part of his term in the regiment commanded by Colo- 
nel Heman Swift, the Seventh Regiment, Connecticut 
Line. 

Declaration of Mills de Forest. , 

There are some discrepancies in the latter part of 
Mills's Declaration, but his whereabouts and service 
are not affected by his uncertainty as to which regi- 
ment he served in. 

1 The following is of record: Returns from Militia of 1780: State of Con- 
necticut to Nehemiah Beardsley, payments to the recruits raised within 
the i6th regiment to join Connecticut Line in the Continental Army in 

1780, Dr. Bounties paid them in July, 1780, and for Blankets as follows: 
Mills de Forest. 

Coll. Conn. Hist. Soc, vol. xii, p. 222. 

It appears from the above that Mills entered the Continental army 
through the i6th Militia Regiment which, as he says, "passed muster," 
presumably at Danbury. 



[ 335 ] 



Appendix 

Pay roll of the Levies in Lieut.-Col. Johnson's Co. 
in the 5th Connecticut Regiment commanded by 
Philip B. Bradley, Col. Mills de Forest: Commence- 
ment of pay: July ist. 

To what time paid: Dec. 14 

Town: Stratford [Indorsed] 1780 

Coll. Conn. Hist. Soc, vol. xii, p. 202. 

Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, p. 203. 

MSS. Conn. State Library, vol. xxxviii, 88a. 

Private in Captain [Charles] Smith's Company [Con- 
necticut] Militia. Regiment commanded by Colonel 
Mead; General Waterbury's Brigade.^ Volunteered 
March, 1 78 1, at Stratford for one year. Stationed at 
Stamford, guarding the lines, and also with Sutton 
scouting expedition. 

Mills left with his mother all the discharges which he 
had received during his war services but they were lost. 

On October 4, 1833, Mills was placed on the pension 
roll, Vermont No. 3,718. On February 20, 1835, he re- 
ceived notice that his pension was stopped and his name 
was stricken from the roll. He was filled with indigna- 
tion and could apparently get no explanation from the 
authorities. In April, 1835, he wrote to a friend: "There 
has been a certain scoundrel in this vicinity that has 
written to the War Dept. and caused several Pensions 
suspended, and made individuals whose Pensions had 
been stopped, give him Y2 the first Draught to get re- 
stored this was under the ist Act. I hope for the honor 
of our Country that it is not the case now." His name 
was evidently replaced on the roll later and a new num- 
ber was given to him, Vermont No. 18,801. 

Pension Office Records. 

' Brigade record, March, 1781: Raised for the defense of Horseneck and 
places adjacent and for coast-guard service. Joined Washington in July 
at Phillipsburg and was under Heath's orders in Westchester. 

[ 336 ] 



War Records 



Gideon de Forest (son of Joseph of Moose Hill 
and grandson of Samuel of Moose Hill). 

Private in Captain Joseph Birdsey's Company Con- 
necticut Militia, volunteering at Stratford about March 
I, 1778. Discharged at Saw Pitts, New York, about 
May I, 1778. 

Private in Captain Thorp's Company [Captain 
Thorp not identified in printed roster]. Enlisted about 
August I, 1778; served two months; discharged at Nor- 
walk. 

Private in Captain Joseph Birdsey's Company Con- 
necticut Militia. Enlisted about October i, 1778; 
served two months; guard duty at Stratford; dis- 
charged at Norwalk. 

Private in company of Lieutenant [John B.] Judson 
of Stratford, Connecticut Militia. Enlisted about 
June I, 1779, as substitute for Lyman Somers. Guard 
duty at Stratford; discharged there about August i, 
1779. 

Private in Captain [Abel] Botsford's Company of 
drafted militia, serving as substitute for Stilson at 
Stratford. Guard duty at Middlesex, Conn. Term of 
service, about December i, 1779, to March, 1780. 

Private in Lieutenant [John] Odle's [Odell's] Com- 
pany Connecticut Militia. Guard duty at Stratford. 
Term of service about October, 1780, to December i, 
1780. 

Declaration of Gideon de Forest. 

Private in Captain Charles Smith's Company, 1st 
Battalion, Waterbury's Brigade, Connecticut Militia, 
Major Edward Shipman. Enlisted about March i 
[April 20], 178 1, for one year, at Stratford. Joined the 
Continental Army at White Plains and was attached 



[ 337 ] 



Appendix 



to left wing of Washington's army. Remained there 
until Washington left for Yorktown. Marched to Stam- 
ford, Connecticut, built garrison and huts, and went 
into winter quarters. Was in battle of Frog's Point. 
Discharged there March, 1782. 

Enlisted March, 1783, for six months, whale-boat 
service with Captain [John] Barlow; served one month; 
discharged on news of peace. 

Declaration of Gideon de Forest. 

Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, p. 572. 

Gideon de Forest, Edmeston, New York, pension 
certificate No. 2,048 issued November 15, 1832. 

Pension Office Records. 

Isaac de Forest of New Milford ^ ^ (son of Isaac of 
Newtown and New Milford and grandson of David of 
Stratford). 

First Lieutenant 7th Company, Captain Reuben 
Bostwick (of Litchfield Co.); ist Battalion, Wads- 
worth's Brigade, Connecticut State Troops, Colonel 
Gold S. Silliman. Commissioned June 14; in sennce 
to September 25, 1776. The Battalion was engaged 
previous to September 25th in the battle of Long 
Island and retreat to New York; narrowly escaped 
capture on again retreating from that city; posted on 
Harlem Heights. 

Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, p. 393. 
Colonial Records of Conn., vol. xv, p. 426. 

Isaac's commission and leather wallet, in which a 
bullet lodged, are in the possession of some of his 
descendants. 

Book of Lineages, Daughters of the American Revolution, Washington, 
D.C. Descendants. 

^ For statement of the reasons for connecting Isaac of New Milford with 
the line of David of Stratford, see Appendix, p. 293. 

' See also French and Indian War Record, Appendix, p. 320, 



[ 338 ] 



War Records 



"One Isaac Deforest served as Lieutenant-Colonel 
in the First Battalion of Connecticut Troops. His 
name appears only on the list dated June, 1776, which 
shows him as one of the officers appointed by the As- 
sembly to take command of the six battalions ordered 
by the Assembly to be raised and marched directly to 
New York, there to join the Continental Army." 

United States War Office Records. 

We have no supporting evidence of the statement 
that Isaac became a Lieutenant-Colonel beyond the 
fact of his presence in the New York campaign with the 
First Battalion as mentioned above. 

"At the battle of Ridgefield, on the return of the 
British from the burning of Danbury [April 25-28, 
1777] . . . Lieut. Deforest was shot in the leg, and Capt. 
Ebenezer Coe who commanded the same company was 
shot in the head." 

Hînman's Historical Collection ... of the part sustained by Conn, 
during the War of the Revolution, p. 117. 

Of the Lieutenant de Forests of whom we have rec- 
ord, Elisha was not commissioned until October, 1779; 
Samuel was in camp at Peekskill, New York. Al- 
though we have no proof of Isaac's whereabouts at 
the time of the Danbury raid, it seems reasonable 
to suppose him the "Lieutenant Deforest" referred 
to. 

Ebenezer Coe is recorded among the invalid pen- 
sioners of Fairfield County as Captain of the 4th 
Militia, Colonel Samuel Whiting commanding. This 
regiment was raised for the defense of Connecticut, 
March 1777, and was stationed at Fairfield and Strat- 
ford — presumably at the time of the raid. 

Coll. Conn. Hist. Soc, vol. viii, p. 181. 

[ 339 ] 



Appendix 



Elisha de Forest ^ (son of Edward of Stratford and 
grandson of David of Stratford). 

Appointed Lieutenant of the 8th Company of the 
Alarm List in i6th Connecticut Regiment, Colonel 
Nehemiah Beardsley commanding, October 8, 1779. 

Records of the State of Conn., vol. ii, p. 419. 
Conn. Assembly Records, 1779. 

Ensign in 1780: Received £13-10-0 at Fairfield in 
1784, bounty for seven and three months' service. 

MSS. Conn. State Library, vol. 40, Revolutionary War, Receipts, Rolls, 
and Accounts, 26a. 

Family records show that Elisha eventually became 
a captain. 

William de Forest (son of Edward of Stratford 
and grandson of David of Stratford). 

Private in Captain Samuel Whiting's Company, 
5th Connecticut Continental Regiment,^ Colonel Da- 
vid Waterbury commanding. Enlisted May lo, 1775, 
discharged October 11, 1775. Served in the Northern 
Department; engaged at the siege of St. John's, 
Canada, October, 1775. 

Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, p. 65. 

Orcutt, Rev. Samuel. History of Stratford and Bridgeport, p. 1 107. 

Joseph de Forest (son of Edward of Stratford ist 
and grandson of David of Stratford). 

Private in Captain James Booth's Company of 
Guards, detached from the 4th Regiment Connecticut 
Militia, Colonel Samuel Whiting commanding, raised 
for the defense of Connecticut March, 1777, and sta- 
tioned at Fairfield and Stratford, Connecticut, by 

' See also French and Indian War Record, Appendix, p. 322. 
' For Regimental record, see Appendix, pp. 322, 323, footnotes. 

[ 340 ] 



War Records 



order of Brigadier-General Silliman. Term of Joseph's 
service, fifteen days. 

Coll. Conn. Hist, Soc, vol. viii, p. i8i. 

This company may have been present at the Dan- 
bury raid in April, 1777, although the names of James 
Booth and Samuel Whiting do not appear in the very 
incomplete record of the militia officers who served 
at that time. 

Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, p. 492. 

James de Forest ^ (son of Edward of Stratford 2nd 
or of his brother John. In either case a grandson of 
Edward of Stratford ist). 

Private in Captain James Booth's Company of 
Guards, detached from the 4th Regiment, Connecti- 
cut Militia, Colonel Samuel Whiting commanding, 
raised for the defense of Connecticut March, 1777, and 
stationed at Fairfield and Stratford, Connecticut, by 
order of Brigadier-General Silliman. Term of James's 
service, fifteen days. 

Coll. Conn. Hist. Soc, vol. viii, p. 181. 

This company may have been present at the Dan- 
bury raid in April, 1777, although the names of James 
Booth and Samuel Whiting do not appear in the very 
incomplete record of the militia officers who served at 
that time. 

Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, p. 492. 

Henry de Forest (son of Henry of Moose Hill and 
grandson of David of Stratford). 

Private in Captain Samuel Whiting's Company, 
5th Connecticut Continental Regiment," Colonel 

1 Parentage in doubt. 

^ For Regimental record, see Appendix, pp. 322, 323, footnotes. 



[ 341 ] 



Appendix 

David Waterbuiy commanding. Enlisted May lo, 
1775, discharged October 11, 1775. Served in the 
Northern Department; engaged at the siege of St. 
John's, Canada, October, 1775. 

Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, p. 65. 
Orcutt's History of Stratford and Bridgeport, p. 1 107. 

Timothy de Forest (son of Henry of Moose Hill 
and grandson of David of Stratford). 

Private in Captain Elijah Abel's Company, Colonel 
Philip Burr Bradley's Battalion, one of the seven bat- 
talions in Wadsworth's Brigade of Connecticut State 
Troops. Term of service: enlisted June 30, 1776, taken 
prisoner with the entire garrison at the fall of Fort 
Washington, November 16, 1776. 

Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, p. 415. 
United States War Department Records. 

Nehemiah de Forest (son of Benjamin of Rip ton 
and grandson of David of Stratford). 

Private in Captain John Yates's Company of Rip- 
ton Parish, Connecticut Militia. Enlisted January i, 
1777. 

"Minute Men and Volunteers: — In Ripton Parish 
32 able-bodied men have enlisted and chosen their 
officers as follows, January i, 1777 . . . Nehemiah De 
Forest." 

Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, p. 612. 

Corporal in Captain Joseph Birdsey's Company, 
4th Regiment, Connecticut Militia, Colonel Samuel 
Whiting. Regiment commanded by Lieutenant-Colo- 
nel Jonathan Dimon. Term of service, October 5 to 
October 27, 1777. Served at Peekskill, New York, to 
reinforce Putnam during the Burgoyne Campaign. 

Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, pp. 514, 515. 
United States War Office Records. 

[ 342 ] 



War Records 



Corporal in Captain Joseph Birdsey's Company, 
4th Connecticut Militia. Term of service 5 days, July 
4th to Sch. 

"A pay Roll of Capt. Joseph Birdsey's Company 
in Col. Whiting's regiment in a tower [tour]; at the 
Alarm at New Haven and from their to Fairfield which 
was five days in searvice . . . Coi. N. Deforest." 

Coll. Conn. Hist. Soc, vol. viii, p. 190. 

George de Forest.^ This soldier was the son of 
John de Forest and Huldah Nichols of Danbury, but 
the parentage of this John it has not proved possible 
to establish. George was on duty as a private for a 
short time only. Before the war he was a school teacher 
in West Hoosac, New York, and afterwards moved 
to Massachusetts, where he raised a large family of 
children. 

JoHN,^ William,^ and Archibald^ de Forest, his 
brothers, according to the family records served in the 
Revolutionary War for seven years each. 

Reuben de Forest (also known as De Frees), b. 
December 14, 1752; m. Hannah . Son of An- 
thony de Forest and Martha his wife, who came 

to Stamford between 1760 and 1775. Reuben enlisted 
at Pound Ridge, New York, but lived at Stamford 
after the war until about 1797, when he removed to 
New Canaan. Connection with David of Stratford 
not known. ^ 

Private in Captain Jonathan Piatt's Company, 4th 

' Not shown on chart. Descent from David of Stratford probable, but the 
author has not been able to verify. 



[ 343 ] 



Appendix 

New York Continental Regiment, Colonel James 
Holmes ("who afterwards went to the enemy") com- 
manding. Enlisted at Pound Ridge, New York, for 
nine months [April to December, 1775] "the first year 
the troops went north . . . when St. John's was taken 
by the Americans." Served at Lake George. Dis- 
charged [probably at Albany] and went thence to Long 
Island. Discharge was written on birch-bark for lack 
of paper. 

Declaration of Reuben de Forest. 

For names of officers: Heitman's Historical Register of Officers of the 
Continental Army, pp. 226, 330. 

Reuben's name appears on the roster of the 4th New 
York Continental Regiment as "Reuben De Frees." 

New York in the Revolution, p. 34. 

Private in Captain David Waterbury's Company, 
5th Connecticut Continental Regiment, Colonel David 
Waterbury. Served four or five months. 

Declaration of Reuben de Forest. 

This regiment marched first to New York and then 
to the Northern Department. Served from May to 
December, 1775. Peter Smith, mentioned in the Dec- 
laration of Reuben de Forest, was a private in the above 
company. 

Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, p. 64. 

Following this service Reuben appears in some five 
enlistments of uncertain dates and varying from a few 
days' service to one of a year. The general period is 
from 1776 to 1780. According to his Declaration, he 
enlisted in the spring — undoubtedly of 1776 — but 
he gives no details of officers or service. Probably his 
next enlistment was as follows: — 

Private in the company of Captain Nathaniel Webb, 

[ 344 ] 



War Records 



Jr., 9th Regiment Connecticut Militia, Lieutenant- 
Colonel John Mead commanding. Sylvanus Knapp, 
recorded as lieutenant of the company, was acting cap- 
tain because Nathaniel Webb was absent and sick. 

Declaration of Reuben de Forest. 

Reuben believes this service to have been in the fall 
of 1775, when we know him to have been elsewhere. 
It undoubtedly should be identified with the service 
referred to as follows: — 

"Next summer came a requisition for the Militia of 
Connecticut. Went again to New York. — [Sylvanus] 
Knapp commanding. Served two months. Was in 
New York when Americans retreated before the Bri- 
tish. About Harvest-time in July [August]. Summer 
of 1776. Reached Kingsbridge, was taken sick, and 
left the service." When Reuben was in New York, per- 
haps at this time, a cannon ball fell upon his foot, 
causing a permanent lameness. 

Declaration of Reuben de Forest. 

Reuben states that he was engaged in fighting the 
" Cow Boys," under Bob Simmons, partly in New York 
State — North Castle, Middle Patmos [Middle Pat- 
ent, Westchester County], and Frog's Point. Service 
of two months. Year not known. 

Declaration of Reuben de Forest. 

Private in Captain Charles Smith's Company, Con- 
necticut Militia, 1778 or 1779. Served one year at 
least. Engaged in pursuit of "Cow-Boys." Served in 
Stamford and neighboring towns, Greenwich, Rye, 
etc. Coast guard service. "The Sound was full of 
British Cruisers and it was apprehended that they 
would burn the town." 

Declaration of Reuben de Forest. 



[ 345 ] 



Appendix 



This Company served at Horseneck [North Green- 
wich, Connecticut] April i to November i, 1779. 

Coll. Conn. Hist. Soc, vol. viii, p. 207. 

Private in Captain Thomas Hunt's Company, Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Frederick Weisenfel's Regiment of 
New York Levies. Enlisted for five months. Lay at 
North Castle, New York, then went to Saratoga. Gen- 
eral Schuyler in command. At Saratoga heard of Corn- 
wallis' surrender; recalls sending up of sky-rockets 
and rejoicing among the troops when news came. 

New York Levies were raised for the further de- 
fense of the State, November 2, 1781. Reuben's name 
spelled "Deforege, Reuben." 

Declaration of Reuben de Forest. 

New York State Archives, vol. i, p. 356. 

De Forest, Reuben, resident of Fairfield County, 
Connecticut, among list of pensioners. Act of 1832. 

Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, p. 650. 

Reuben de Forest of Stamford, Connecticut, pen- 
sion certificate No. 17,906 issued October lo, 1833. 

Pension Office Records. 

Ebenezer de Forest^ of Stamford, Connecticut, 
b. 1749. Undoubtedly a brother of Reuben and the 
son of Anthony and Martha of Stamford. After the 
war resided at Pound Ridge, Westchester County, 
New York. Applied for pension October, 1832, saying 
that he was then eighty-two years of age, "poor, blind 
and infirm." Pension paid for only two years, prob- 
ably owing to his death. Connection with David of 
Stratford not known. 

Corporal in Captain Jonathan Piatt's Company 
[4th New York Continental Regiment], Colonel James 

^ Not shown on chart. 

[ 346] 



War Records 



Holmes commanding. Enlisted at Fairfield, April, 

1775, for nine months; marched to Albany. Proceeded 
under General Schuyler to Canada via Lake George. 
Served on frontier until near expiration of term. 
Marched to Albany and discharged January, 1776. Re- 
calls names of Captain Daniel Mills and Lieutenant 
David Dan [officers in 4th New York Continental Reg- 
iment]. 

Declaration of Ebenezer de Forest. 

For names of officers: Heitman's Historical Register of Officers of the 
Continental Army, pp. 226, 330. 

Corporal in Captain Silvanus Brown's Company, 
1st Battalion Wadsworth's Brigade, Connecticut State 
Troops, Colonel Gold S. Silliman commanding. En- 
listed as a volunteer for nine months. Term of service, 
April, 1776, to January, 1777. Discharged at West- 
chester, New York. 

Declaration of Ebenezer de Forest. 

This regiment was engaged in battle of Long Island, 
August 27, 1776; in retreat to New York, August 29- 
30, 1776, and in battle of White Plains October 28, 

1776. Rolls incomplete. 

Record of Conn. Men in the Revolution, p. 393. 

Private in Captain Ebenezer Ferris's Company, 
Connecticut Militia. Drafted May, 1777; served two 
months as guard at Stamford. 

Private in Captain Jonathan Waring's Company, 
Connecticut Militia. Drafted July, 1778; served three 
months as guard at Horseneck, Connecticut. 

Private in same company; drafted in the spring of 
1779 to protect Fairfield, Connecticut, against depre- 
dations of British and Refugees. Served three months. 

In service at various times from 1779 to close of 
the war, in Captain Waring's Company, Colonel John 

[ 347 ] 



Appendix 



Mead commanding. Services during this period cov- 
ered about three months. 

Declaration of Ebenezer de Forest. 

Ebenezer de Forest of Pound Ridge, New York, 
pension certificate No. 6,190 issued February 25, 1833. 

Pension Office Records. 

Anthony de Forest,^ undoubtedly a brother of 
Reuben and Ebenezer and the son of Anthony and 
Martha of Stamford. Connection with David of Strat- 
ford not known. 

^ Not shown on chart. 



DEEDS AND OTHER PAPERS 



1636. KiLiAEN VAN Rensselaer and Gerard de Forest, Con- 
tract concerning the Rensselaerswyrk. 

1636. Hendrick de Forest. Declaration concerning his treatment 
by the patroons of New Netherland. 

1639. Jean DE Forest. Petition relating to the estate of Hendrick 
de Forest. 

1639. Andries Hudde AND Gertrude Bornstra. Marriage 
banns. 

1645. IsAACK DE Forest. Grant of land on the Marcktveldt and 
land for his garden. 

1652. Jan Verbrugge from Jan Labatie. Deed for land on 
Brouwer Straet. 

1653. Isaack de Forest from Jan Verbrugge. Deed for land 
on Brouwer Straet. 

1699. David de Forest. Deed for his house and house lot in Strat- 
ford. 

1721-25. David de Forest. Papers relating to the distribution of 
his estate. 

1725/6. Samuel de Forest. Deed from Samuel Peat for land 
in Stratford. 

1732. Samuel de Forest. Deed for property on Moose Hill. 

1733/4. Samuel de Forest and Samuel Peat. Sale of their 
house and lot in Stratford. 

1737. David de Forest of Wilton sells his father's Stratford home- 
stead to Ephraim Clark of Stratford. 

1767. Nehemiah de Forest. Deed from his father, Samuel, for 
15 acres of land at Moose Hill. 

1769. Nehemiah de Forest. Deed from his father, Samuel, for 
15 additional acres of land and half of his barn at Moose Hill. 

1797. Nehemiah de Forest sells to Nathan Wheeler and others 
the inn and the surrounding land at New Stratford. 

1804. LocKwooD DE Forest and others buy a house and land in 
New Haven from James Bonticou. 

1804. LocKwooD DE Forest and others buy 2 stores on the Union 
Wharf at New Haven from Andrew Hull, Jr. 



[ 349 ] 



Appendix 

Contract between Kiliaen van Rensselaer and 
Gerard de Forest made before Notary van de 
Ven August 8, 1636.^ 

In the manner and upon the conditions hereinafter 
written, M*" Kiliaen van Rensselaer with his associates 
of the first part and M'' Gerrit de forest of Leyden with 
his associates of the second part have agreed with one 
another concerning the act of buying, arming, and 
equipping for joint account the vessel, now called " Ren- 
sselaerswyck" and also concerning the cargo, profits, 
and returns of the same, namely. 

First: The Purchase and Expenses of the above- 
mentioned vessel with its equipment and armam.ent 
shall be precisely computed and charged and the net 
amount thereof shall be paid by both parties, one half 
each. 

Second: The Cargo of an estimated value of about 
from six to seven thousand guilders shall also be bought 
and paid for, one half each. 

Third: The cost of Victuals for 10 or 12 persons for 
a year with two months' wages in hand shall likewise 
be defrayed equally by both parties. 

The goods destined for the Colony and the people 
that have been engaged to sail for the Colony shall be 
paid by M*" Rensselaer alone and shall not be charged 
to this account. 

The above-mentioned vessel shall with God's help 
sail at the first opportunity for New Netherland and 
shall convey the people if it does not freeze as soon as 
possible to the Colony of Rensselaerswyck, unless a 
means should be found at the Manhattans to convey 
the people thence up the river into the Colony. 

^ Notarial Records, Amsterdam, [Translation.] 
[ 350 ] 



Deeds and Other Papers 



For conveying the settlers and the merchandise for 
the Colony the above-mentioned Rensselaer shall allow 
Gerrit de forest and his associates to share the right 
which as Patroon of New Netherland he has by virtue 
art. 13 of the granted Freedoms^ to sail and traffic 
along the entire coast from Florida to Terra-Neuf and 
also the privilege to sail to the West Indies for timber, 
salt, and other merchandise in accordance with the 
Rules and Regulations, and the Command of the Prince 
of Orange. 

And whichever of both parties desires to insure any- 
thing of the ship or the goods either on the outward 
voyage or the home voyage shall have to do so for his 
own account and not for joint account. 

The partnership and joint enterprise aforesaid to 
last a year, provisionally, unless the goods should be 
sold earlier, or M"^ Rensselaer and Gerrit de forest or 
their agent whom they have in that country or may 
still appoint should deem it advisable to send the goods 
sooner to the fatherland; who also shall have the right 
to regulate the traffic of the vessels within the limits 
mentioned. 

And arriving at the Manhattans they shall endeavor 
to obtain a suitable warehouse in order to store therein 
the goods landed and the return cargo shall be stored 
therein, provided the Director be paid the duties on 
the goods sold, being a duty of 5 p Ct. for the W. I. 
Company, according to the aforesaid Freedoms. 

Both parties to pay one half each of this also. 

If the crew of the vessel shall discover any minerals, 
pearls, fisheries, saltpans, or anything else, a liberal 
reward shall be given to the first finder and the find 

* Freedoms and Exemptions, granted June 7, 1629. 

[ 351 ] 



Appendix 

shall belong to the joint owners of the vessel and the 
goods. 

In the manner hereinbefore written the parties have 
agreed and they mutually promise to keep and execute 
this agreement and everything that appertains to it, 
binding therefor their persons and properties, movable 
and immovable, present and future, submitting the 
whole and any part thereof to the jurisdiction of all 
courts and judges. 

Expressly and deliberately waiving all privileges, 
exceptions, subterfuges, means, expedients, and immu- 
nities which either party might benefit by or take ad- 
vantage of in violation of these presents; in particular, 
accepting the judicial rule that a general waiver is of 
no value, unless a special waiver precedes; all in good 
faith and without fraud. 

This contract both parties have signed with their 
own hands in the presence of me, the undersigned not- 
ary public, at Amsterdam the 8th day of August, A.D. 
1636. 

(Signed) Kiliaen van Rensselaer 
Ger'd des forest 
J. v[an] d[e] Ven 

Notary Public. 

Declaration of Hendrick de Forest made before 
Notary Coren at Amsterdam, September 10, 1636.^ 

Appeared &c. 
.Hendrick de Forest, residing within this city, about to 
sail on the ship Renselaerswyck as merchant and mate, 
from this city to New Netherland. 

^ Notarial Records, Amsterdam. [Translation.] 

[ ZS^ ] 



Deeds and Other Papers 



And declared that he, the deponent, on the 19th of 
December 1631 was engaged by the Patroons of New 
Netherland for thirty guilders a month to fill the place 
of Jelis Hoeset at Swanendael in New Netherland; that 
owing to the sad tidings coming from New Netherland 
the above-mentioned gentlemen changed their minds 
and did not think it advisable to settle any people at 
Swanendael for the time being, in consequence of 
which he, the deponent, after having waited in this 
country for orders from the aforesaid gentlemen for 
five months after he had been engaged, was at last 
sent out by the aforesaid gentlemen on one of their 
ships, with orders to allow himself to be employed in 
whatever he should be found to be capable of doing, 
without any other arrangement concerning wages be- 
ing made with him, the deponent. 

That the deponent having thereupon gone on board 
ship was appointed and employed first as lay-reader 
or person to offer up prayers, and shortly after, the 
steward being a drunkard, as steward or clerk of the 
victuals. That the deponent has faithfully and dili- 
gently performed the duties of said offices, gone on 
expeditions and mounted guard, taken his turn at the 
wheel, worked in the saltpans in his turn and carted 
salt and faithfully observed his duty in everything 
with which he was charged for the space of five months 
and eight days, until, with the captain's consent, on 
the island of St. Martin, he entered the service of the 
General Chartered West India Company, so that he, 
the deponent, has been in the employ of the aforesaid 
Patroons and at their disposal for more than 10 months, 
without thus far having been satisfied therefor. 

And whereas, owing to his aforesaid intended 



[ 353 ] 



Appendix 

voyage, it is not convenient for him, the deponent, to 
demand his due from the aforesaid Patroons and to 
sue them for it, he, the deponent, hereby appoints and 
empowers in the best form [possible to him] his uncle 
Gerrit de Forest, residing at Leyden, to demand and 
to receive from the above-mentioned Patroons, in the 
name of him, the principal, all moneys to which the 
principal is justly entitled by reason of the said ser- 
vices; to execute a quittance for whatever he, the 
attorney, receives, and to guarantee against further 
claims. Also, if necessary, to institute legal proceed- 
ings, to act either as plaintiff or defendant, to observe 
all terms of court, to take the oath of good faith and 
all other oaths which the law allows him to take in 
the name of the principal, to conclude the pleadings, to 
demand judgment, to hear the same pronounced and 
to have it executed, or, if he feels aggrieved, to appeal 
therefrom and to apply for review on account of all 
other grievances and exceptions, to prosecute the said 
appeal or review, or to withdraw same, as in his judg- 
ment seems best. Also, if the attorney sees fit, to com- 
promise, adjust, and settle [the diiferences] and further 
in general to do all that he, the principal, being [pres- 
ent] might do or ought to do according to the custom, 
usage, and practice of the court here or in other places 
for the conscientious recovery of that to which he is 
duly entitled as aforesaid. 

All with power of substitution and promise to hold 
and cause to be held as valid whatever shall be done 
and performed in the premises by the said attorney or 
his substitute, and to indemnify them for and protect 
them against any loss or damage that may result there- 
from, under binding obligation according to law, with- 

[ 354 ] 



Deeds and Other Papers 



out fraud, an authentic instrument hereof being re- 
quested. 

Done, etc. in presence of Warnaer Warnaerts and 
Adriaen Jacobse, residents etc., the loth of September 
1636. 

(Signed) Hendrick De forest 
W. Warnaers 

1636 
Adryaen Jacobse 
1636 
Quod attestor rogati[on]e 
Coren 

Not? Publ. 

Petition of Jean de Forest Relative to the Estate 
of Hendrick de Forest, January 4, 1639.^ 
This day the fourth of January XVI C nine and 
thirty appeared before me. Notary public, and before 
the witness named below Jean de foreest, dyer, resid- 
ing within this city, on his own behalf and also as guard- 
ian of Isaac de foreest, his minor brother, co-heirs of 
Henrick du foreest^ the appearer's brother, deceased 
within Virginia, having in the best form and in the 
best possible manner within his power appointed and 
authorized Jacob Bonasse, city packer-within Amster- 
dam, in particular with Geertruyt van Bornstra, widow 
of the aforesaid Henrick foreest to settle, divide, and 
distribute the property and estate of the said Henrick 
foreest; to sell and to convert into money the property, 
whether movable or immovable, in Amsterdam, in Vir- 
ginia or elsewhere, or to have it sold by another com- 
petent person, chosen by him, the attorney, for this 

* Notarial Records, Leyden. [Translation.] 

[ 355 ] 



Appendix 



purpose; and to collect, recover, levy, and receive the 
moneys proceeding therefrom so far as he, the principal, 
is concerned; to acknowledge, sign, and give receipt; 
and also to invest the share that shall be allotted to 
Isaac deforest, his minor brother, at the Orphan Cham- 
ber of Amsterdam on behalf of the aforesaid Isaac; 
and further in general to do, observe, and perform in 
the premises all that he, the principal, if he were pres- 
ent in each case, could do therein, even if for the pur- 
poses aforesaid an ampler and more specific power of 
attorney than this should be required; also with au- 
thority to substitute one or more persons with the like 
or more limited power and to revoke such power of at- 
torney if he sees fit to do so. 

The principal promises to hold as good, firm, binding, 
and valid and to cause to be so held by everybody all 
that shall be done and performed in the premises by 
the aforesaid attorney or his substitutes under sub- 
mission [of his person and property] as by law provided, 
with this reservation, that at the request of the prin- 
cipal the attorney remains bound to render due ac- 
count of his acts and to submit sufficient proof and 
vouchers. 

Thus done within Leyden, the day and year afore- 
said, at my notarial office, in the presence of Claes van 
Sonnevelt and Dirck Moy as witnesses hereto invited. 
Which I certify. (Signed) Jan des forest 

(Signed) M. van Sonnevelt C V Sonnevelt 

Notary Public 1639 1639 

D. Moy 



[ 356] 



Deeds and Other Papers 



A^Iarriage Banns of Andries Hudde and Gertrude 

BoRNSTRA January 6, 1639.^ 

Appeared as above, Andries Huddens, from Cam- 
pen, aged 30 years, assisted by Domine Otthe Badius, 
living on Prince street, and Geertruyt Borrenstra, of 
Amsterdam, aged 24 years, widow of Heyndrick de 
Foreest, assisted by Wybrant Andresz, her father, 
Hving on Sand street. 

Requesting proclamation of the banns on three Sun- 
days, in order that thereafter their intended marriage 
may be solemnized and completed if no legal impedi- 
ment occur. And whereas they declared it to be the 
truth that they were unmarried persons and were not 
related to each other by blood in a way which would 
prevent a Christian marriage, permission to have the 
banns proclaimed has been granted them. 

(Signed) A. Hudde Geertruyt Bornstra 

In the margin is written, referring to Hudde: — 

Mother still living, but sick; according to Domine 
Badius she gives her consent. 

Grant to Isaack de Forest. For a lot on the Marckt- 
veldt Steeg and for his garden, September 5, 1645.^ 
We, Willem Kieft, Director General, and Council in 
behalf of the High and Mighty Lords the States Gen- 
eral of the United Netherlands . . . have given and 
granted unto Isaack d' Foreest a certain lot of land 
for a house and garden lying on the west side of the lot 
of Philip Gerardy; its breadth on the south side is two 
rods, five feet; on the west side four rods, one foot; 

^ City Archives at Amsterdam. [Translation.] 

2 Original in New York State Library, Albany, Book GG, p. 119. Ab- 
stract. [Translation.] 



[ 357 ] 



Appendix 



and on the east side five rods, nine feet; at the north 
end of this lot there is an alley or passageway in length 
three rods, nine feet, four inches; in breadth four feet; 
it lies between the lots of the aforesaid Geraert and 
Teunis d' Metselaer and extends to the entrance or 
passageway of the garden of this lot, and [the garden] 
extends from said passageway south one rod, seven 
feet and eight inches; its length on the south side is ten 
rods, eight feet to the lot of Jan Cornelissen; next the 
lot of said Cornelissen or on the east side, the breadth 
is five rods, three feet, three inches; on the north side 
its length is ten rods, four feet; its breadth on the west 
side towards the south is two rods, three feet, four 
inches; towards the east one rod, four feet, two inches; 
towards the south one rod, three feet, eight inches; 
westerly one rod, four feet, eight inches; amounting 
in all to sixty-seven [square] rods, eight feet, eight 
inches. . . . 

Done at Fort Amsterdam this 5th day of September 
1645. 

Was signed Willem Kieft 

Below was written by order of the honorable Direc- 
tor General and Council of New Netherland. 

CORNELIS VAN TiENHOVEN Sccry. 

Deed to Jan Verbrugge from Jan Labatie for a 
house and lot on Brouwer Straet, September 22, 
1652.^ 

. . . Appeared before us the Director General and 
Council . . . Jan Labatie, citizen and inhabitant of Fort 
Orange, who declared that he had conveyed ... to 
Jan Gillissen Verbrugge a house and lot lying next to 

* Abstract. Original in New York State Library, Albany, Land Patents, 
vol. H, p. 2. [Translation.] 

[358] 



Deeds and Other Papers 



Oloff Stevenson, in width on the street two rods, five 
feet and eight inches, in the rear, on the north side, two 
rods and one and a half feet, in length eight rods and 
three feet, and that in virtue of the patent granted to 
him ... he, Jan Labatie, reUnquishes all his right, 
title or interest ... in the aforesaid house and lot. . . . 
Thus done ... in Council at Fort New Amsterdam 
in New Netherland. 

Deed to Isaack de Forest from Jan Verbrugge 
for a house and lot on Brouwer Straet, October 
15, 1653-' 

. . . Appeared before us the Director General and 
Council . . . Jan Gillissen van Brugge, and declared 
that he had conveyed ... to Isaack Forreest, from 
whom he had received payment, a house ^ and lot 
lying next to Ooloff Stevenson [measurements as in 
deed of September 22, 1652] . . . and that in virtue of 
the conveyance made to him by Jan Labatie under 
date of the 22d of September 1652, with all such rights 
of ownership as he, the grantor, has possessed therein, 
wherefore he . . . Jan Gillissen Verbrugge relinquishes 
all right [etc.] ... in the aforesaid house and lot. 

David de Forest buys a house and lot in Stratford. 
May 23, 1699. John Durand of Milford ... for 
twenty six pounds sells unto David Deffoorest of Strat- 
ford and his heirs ... a certain house and house lott 
scittuate in Stratford the said lott being in quantity 

1 Abstract. Original in New York State Library, Albany, Land Patents 
vol. HH, p. 50. [Translation.] 

^ Surgeon van der Bogaerdt, a well-known character in New Amsterdam, 
had built this house and was living in it as early as 1645. He died in 1648, 
and his widow within a few months married Jean or Jan Labatie. The 
latter sold it in 1652 to Verbrugge, who in turn disposed of it in 1653 to 
Isaack de Forest. 



[ 359 ] 



Appendix 



three quarters of an acre be it more or less with all 
buildings and trees thereupon bounded east and north 
with ye Common or Highway south with ye land of 
Ebenezer Booth west with land belonging to ye heirs 
of Jonathan Nichols deceased for him ye said David 
Deffoorest. [Stratford Land Records, vol. ii, part 2, 
p. 464. Abstract.] 

Papers relating to the distribution of David de 

Forest's Estate. 

Probate Records at Fairfield, Conn. Among these 
records are the following papers: — 

1721, June 10. Inventory and appraisal of David 
de Forest's estate. 

1 72 1, June 13. Appointment of Martha Defrees as 
administratrix of David de Forest's estate. 

1724, May I. Order for distribution of David de 
Forest's estate. 

1725, April 10. Distribution accomplished. 

Samuel de Forest's Deed from Samuel Peat for 
land in Stratford. 

1725/6, March 17. Samuell Peat for love & good 
will to my son in law Sam" Deforest & Abigail his 
Wife the one half of my hom lot of land Stratford. 
Bounded as appears of Record 17 March 1725/6. 

[Stratford Land Records, vol. iv, p. 45. Abstract.] 

Samuel de Forest's Deed for property on Moose 

Hill. 

1732, July 21. I, Hezekiah Curtiss of Stratford in 
ye County of Fairfield, Colony of New England for ye 
consideration of One hundred and sixty nine pounds 

[ 360] 



Deeds and Other Papers 



current money Received ... of Samuel Defreest of 
s'd Stratford . . . Have sold . . . unto ye s'd Samuel 
Defreest ... a certain Tract or parcel of Land Situ- 
ate ... in ye Parish of Ripton . . . att a place com- 
monly called Moose hill & is in Quantity Twenty six 
acres; it being ye equall half of ye Tract of Land there, 
that was formerly my father Daniel Curtis his Land 
& is butting & bounding Easterly by Common Land, 
Northerly by John Moss, his Land — South by John 
Johnson & Joseph Johnson, West by Mr. Lewis his 
Land. . . . 

In Witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand & 
seal ye Twenty first day of July in ye Sixth year of 
ye Reign of our Soveraign Lord George ye Second of 
Great Britain, King, Annoque Domini 1732. 

Hezekiah Curtiss. 
[Stratford Land Records, vol. iv, p. 252. Abstract.] 

Samuel de Forest and Samuel Peat sell their house 
and lot in Stratford. 

1733/4, Feb. 4. We Sam'' Peat Jr. & Sam'' Deforest 
both of Stratford for £240, to Peter Hepburn i }4 acres 
House lot Land with a Dwelling House Barn & Well 
thereon Stratford near ye Harbour — bounded North 
on highway. East and South by Joseph Prince & West 
by Thomas Thompson his land. 

John Thompson, Register. 

[The north part of the original homestead of Rich- 
ard Butler.] 

[Stratford Land Records, vol. iv, p. 409. Ab- 
stract.] 



[361 ] 



Appendix 



David de Forest of Wilton sells his father's Strat- 
ford homestead. 

1737, May 27. David Deforest of Norwalk [Wilton], 
Conn., for £100. to my Honored father in law Mr. 
Ephraim Clark of Stratford one certain Tract of House 
lot Land, one acre with a Dwelling House & small Barn 
thereon, Stratford — Bounded East & North on 
Street — South by Edward Booth's Land & West by 
Jehiel Beardslee's Land. 

John Thompson, Register. 

[This was the homestead of David's father, David 
de Forest of Stratford, and was located at the junc- 
tion of Lundy's Lane and Beardsley Avenue with 
Stratford Avenue.] 

[Stratford Land Records, vol. vii, p. 87. Abstract.] 

Nehemiah de Forest's Deed from his father Samuel 
for land at Moose Hill. 

1767, April 10. Sam^^ Deforest for Love, good Will 
&c. to my well beloved son Nehemiah Deforest — 
Land situated — 15 acres as part of his portion at 
Moose hill, bounded North on highway, West on Land 
of Ebenezer Lewis, South on Land of Joseph [Deforest], 
and to extend so far East as to make 15 acres. Bound- 
ed there on my own Land. 

[Stratford Land Records, vol. xiii, p. 502. Abstract.] 

Nehemiah de Forest's Deed from his father Samuel 

for additional land at Moose Hill. 

1769, April 24. Samuel Deforest for Love, etc. to 
my son Nehemiah Deforest as part of his portion out 
of my Estate 15 acres of Land situated Moose Hill. 

[ 362 ] 



Deeds and Other Papers 



Bounded South East and North on highway, West on 

my own Land. Also one half of my DweUing house 

at ye South end, one half of my Barn at ye East end. 

[Stratford Land Records, vol. xvi, p. 33. Abstract.] 

Nehemiah de Forest sells the inn at New Stratford. 

1797, Sept. 15. Nehemiah Deforest of Huntington 
for $2500 sells to Nathan Wheeler, Hall Beardslee, 
Samuel Wheeler, a piece of land in said Huntington 
parish of New Stratford near the meeting house of said 
parish containing 14 acres be the same more or less 
and bounded as follows. Viz. East on highway in part 
and part on land of Dr. Ezra Curtis south on Dr. Ezra 
Curtis's land, in part on Frederick Lewis's land in part 
on Ezekiel Lewis's land in part west part on land of 
Frederick Lewis part on land of Ezekiel Lewis north 
on highway, reserving to himself the priviledge of liv- 
ing on and occupying the premises till the 15th day of 
May next and of reaping and carrying of the crops 
that is now on the land. 

Legrand M. Lewis, Witness. 

[Huntington Town Records, vol. 11, p. 443 . Abstract.] 

Lockwood de Forest and others buy a house and 
land in New Haven from James Bonticou. 
1804, Nov. 21. James Bonticou for ^9000 sells to 
Andrew Hull Jr., John Buckley, Lockwood De Forest 
and Elihu Daggett about one acre of land in New 
Township with all buildings thereon — bounded north- 
erly by highway, easterly by land of William Fairchild, 
southerly by Wooster Street, westerly by Olive Street. 
Also one piece near Ship Yard with all buildings there- 
on standing. 

[New Haven Town Records, vol. liv, p. 59. Abstract.] 

[ 363 ] 



Appendix 



LocKwooD DE Forest and others buy two stores on 
Union Wharf in New Haven. 

1804, Aug. 25. I Andrew Hull Jr. . . . of New Haven 
. . . For the Consideration of Fifteen Hundred 
Dollars Received ... of John Buckley, Lockwood De 
Forest & Elihu Daggett of New Haven. . . Do . . . 
Sell . . . unto the said Buckley, De Forest & Daggett 
. . . those undivided 4th parts of a Certain piece of 
Land with two Stores standing thereon — being in the 
City of New Haven on the West side of Union Wharf, 
being the First & second stores from the North end 
of the Long range with all the Land & Flats thereunto 
belonging. . . . 

Andr. Hull Jr. 

[NewHavenTownRecords,vol.Liv,p. 13. Abstract.] 



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New Amsterdam and Its People, by J. H. Innes. New York, 1902. 

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Van Rensselaer Bowier Manuscripts, being the Letters of Kiliaen 
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Battles of the American Revolution, by Henry B. Carrington. 
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De Forests of Avesnes and of New Netherland, The, by Major 
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Index 



Abel, Major Elijah, i, 249, 251. 
Adams, Mary, 11, 296, 315. 
Albany, de Forests (Defreests) of, 

II, 287. 
Allen, Ethan, i, 222, 
Amazon, the "Pigeon" at the, i, 36- 

40; II, 220-35; form of the word, 

221. 
André, Major, i, 237. 
Annotto (arnotto), dye, i, 49; 11, 247. 
Arnold, Benedict, 11, 26. 
Avesnes, I, 5-10, 13; bibliography of, 

II, 365, 366. 

Bacon, Rev. Leonard, 11, 85. 
Baldwin, Anne Estelle, 11, 310. 
Baldwin, Anne Marven, 11, 310. 
Baldwin, Charles Marven, 11, 310. 
Baldwin, David Higginbotham, 11, 

3IO-. 
Baldwin, De Forest, 11, 310. 
Baldwin, Francis Hoskins, 11, 310. 
Baldwin, Henry, 11, 310. 
Baldwin, Henry de Forest, 11, 310. 
Baldwin, Lockwood de Forest, 11, 

3I0-. 
Baldwin, Maud Dominick, 11, 310. 
Baldwin, Roger Sherman, 11, 310. 
Baldwin, Simeon, xi. III, 310. 
Baldwin, Simeon, son of Simeon, 11, 

310.^ 
Baldwin, Simeon, son of Henry, 11, 

310. 
Barbados, Island of. 11, 184-86. 
Barlow, John, i, 256. 
Barn Hill, 1,182, 188, 205, 207, 279; 

II, 44. 
Barnum, Miss, 11, 314. 
Bartram, Sarah, 11, 303. 
Bassett, Louisa A., 11, 303. 
Bayard, Nicholas, i, 149. 
Beach, Charity, i, 287-91. 
Beach, John, i, 159, 288. 
Beach, Rhoda, i, 288, 294, 295. 
Beardsley, Esther, 11, 296, 315. 
Beardsley, Samuel, i, 310. 
Beaumont, Anthoine, i, 27; 11, 188, 

189. 



Bedspreads, i, 165. 

Beeckman, Willem, i, 115. 

Beer, use of, in New Amsterdam, i, 

123, 124. 
Beers, Elias, 11, 298. 
Beers, Polly, 11, 315. 
Belding, John, 11, 301. 
Belgae, the, i, 3. 
Belgium, I, 13 n. 
Berghen op Zoom, i, 11. 
Betts, Sarah, 11, 292, 3 14. 
Beverly, Mass., ordination feast at, 

I, 263. 

Bible, family, 11, 150, 151, 287 n. 
Bibliography, 11, 365-72. 
Birdseye, Hannah, 11, 299, 314. 
Bishop, Mr., 11, 54, 55. 
"Black Eagle," the, i, 55, 56, 58; 

II, 176, 185, 265, 269. 
Blackman, Samuel, i, 239, 241; 11, 

328. 

Blagge, Martha, wife of David de 
Forest, 11, 289, 313; marriage, i, 
161-63; property, 162, 164; her 
share of David's estate, 172; sec- 
ond marriage, 172, 173. 

Blagge, Samuel, i, 161, 162, 170; 11, 
295. 

Blakeman, Rev. Adam, i, 151, 157. 

Blakeman, Rebecca, 11, 296, 315. 

Blakman, Nancy, 11, 300. 

Bogardus, Domine, officiates at 
Hendrick de Forest's funeral, i, 
89; with power of attorney for 
Gertrude de Forest, 95, 96; bap- 
tizes Jessen de Forest, 113; the 
home of, 117; in charge of New 
Amsterdam church, 120; assists 
Isaack and Sara de Forest in mak- 
ing their joint will, 141. 

Bonasse, Jacob, i, 99. 

Bontecou, James, 11, 29. 

Bontecou, Captain Peter, 11, 30. 

Bontecou, Timothy, 11, 30, 31. 

Bornstra, Gertrude, marriage to 
Hendrick de Forest, i, 75; widow, 
93; betrothal and marriage to 
Hudde, 93, 94, 99; and Hendrick's 



[ 373 ] 



Index 



property, 94-97, 99-101; arrives 
in New Amsterdam, 100; death, 
loi; marriage banns of, 11, 357. 

Boston, bombardment of, i, 220. 

Boston Port Bill, i, 220. 

Bostwick, Rachel, 11, 294, 315. 

Bounties, i, 253, 254. 

Bout, Willem Fredericks, emigrates 
to the New World, i, 73; on Hen- 
drick de Forest's bouwery, 83, 84, 
92; tries unsuccessfully to get re- 
lease, 97; becomes freeman, 103; 
at Rensselaerswyck, 107. 

Boutel (or Bontel), Mary, i, 162. 

Bouweries, Muscoota, i, 81-108, 
I14-116. 

Brewers in New Amsterdam, i, 123- 
125. 

Brewer's Street, New Amsterdam, i, 
118, 131, 132. 

Bridgeport, Conn., 11, 19 n., 22, 116, 
117. 

Brintnall, Lydia, 11, 43, 50, 305, 314. 

Brintnall, Captain William, 11, 43, 
SO, SI, 68-73, 105- 

British Museum, foundation of, 11, 
182-84. 

British Guiana, 11, 172. See Guiana. 

Brown, Margaretta H., 11, 308, 

Bryan, Richard, i, 163. 

Buckley, John, 11, 24, 28, 29, 

Bunker Hill, i, 246. 

Burloch, Catherine, 11, 316. 

Burloch, Mary, 11, 314. 

Burr, Lieutenant Isaac, i, 249,251; 
II, 328. 

Butler, Mary Howard, 11, 308. 

Butler, Phebe, i, 175-77. 

Butler, Richard, i, 175-77. 

Canfield, Clarissa, 11, 294, 315. 
Canfield, Lucretia, 11, 117, 314. 
Caribs, the, i, 47, 48, 50, 55; 11, 245, 

247, 261, 277. 
Carippo, I, 40; II, 177, 237, 241, 271, 

275- 
Carleton, Sir Dudley, his account of 

interview with Jesse de Forest, i, 

18. 
Carpenter, William, 11, 300. 
Cassava, 11, 263. 
Caudle cups, i, 156. 
Cayenne, i, 47, 50, 55; 11, 247, 261. 
Chalices, i, 156. 



Charlton, William, 11, 184, See 
Courten. 

Chart, genealogical, 11, 313-16. 

Charter of Freedoms and Exemp- 
tions, I, 63. 

Chauncey, Rev. Charies, i, 157 n., 
174. 

Chauncey, Reverend Israel, i, 157. 

"Christening Bason," i, 263 n. 

Church in the Fort, the, i, 120, 121, 
123. 

Church records of New Stratford, i, 
264, 265. 

Church Trial, the, 11, 48-98. 

Churches and church-going in New 
Amsterdam, i, 120, 121, 126; in 
Stratford, 154-57, 261-65, 301, 
303-05; in Ripton, 179, 180, 189- 

.96; 198, 199- . 
Cincinnati, Society of the, i, 236; 11, 

324- 

Clark, Abigail, 11, 291, 313. 

Clawson, Elizabeth, 11, 16 n. 

Cock, Thomas Ferris, 11, 311. 

Coe, Ebenezer, 11, 339. 

Coggeshall, Captain, 11, 36, 39, 40. 

Cole, Henry, 11, 289. 

Cole, Nathan, his description of the 
Whitefield excitement, i, 193, 194. 

Colonists, in Guiana, i, 40-51; 11, 
236-59; return of, from Guiana to 
Holland; i, 51-56; ii, 259-69. 

Commaribo, i, 43, 46; 11, 236, 240, 
242, 250, 256, 258, 270-75. 

Committee of Inspection, i, 256, 277, 
278. 

Common Field, i, 153 n. 

Common lands, i, 153, 177. 

Congregationalists and Episcopali- 
ans, I, 303-05. 

Connecticut Colony, i, 150, 151; 
during the Revolutionary War, 
219-58, 277-83; bibliography of, 
II, 369-72. 

Contract concerning the "Renssela- 
erswyck," copy of, II, 350-52. 

Conveyance of land, first legal, on 
Manhattan, i, 94. 

Cornelis, Janneken, i, 122. 

Cornwallis, surrender of, i, 235. 

Corssen, Angenietie, i, 105, 106; 11, 
285. 

Corssen, Arent, i, 105. 

Cothren, William, description of 



[ 374 ] 



Index 



Revolutionary soldiers from, i, 

223. 
Couast, Captain, 11, 177. 
Courten, William, 11, 184-86. 
Craftsmen in New England, i, 200. 
Cupheag, i, 150. 

Curtenius, Rev. Antonius, 11, 288. 
Curtis, Hannah, 11, 290. 
Curtis, Mary, 11, 299, 314. 
Curtis, Mehitable, 11, 296, 316. 
Curtis, Thomas, 11, 295. 
Curtiss, Mary, 11, 300. 
"Cushing for ye Pulpit," i, 262. 

Daggett, Elihu, 11, 24, 29. 

Danbury raid, i, 231. 

Darby, Bernard, 11, 289. 

Darling, Joseph, 11, 298. 

Day, Eliza Skinner, 11, 308. 

Day, George de Forest Lord, 11, 308. 

Day, Henry, 11, 308. 

Day, Henry Lord, 11, 308. 

Day, John Lord, 11, 308. 

Day, Sarah Lord, 11, 308. 

Day, Susan de Forest, 11, 308. 

Daynes, Jehan and Gilles, i, 27; 11, 
191. 

Dean, Leila B., 11, 312. 

Declaration of Hendrick de Forest, 
II, 352-55. 

Deeds, 11, 358-63, 

De Forest, Aaron, 11, 316. 

De Forest, Abby, birth, i, 276; at 
mother's death, 300; marriage, 
305-07; II, 42; acrostic of, i, 307; 
mentioned in father's will, 314; 
after her husband's death, 11, 42; 
returns to New Stratford, 43 ; her 
"Praying Society," 48; at Bridge- 
port, 117; her peculiarities, 136- 
38; lives with her brother Charles, 
137, 306; obtains legacy from Aunt 
Betsey, 154; Mrs. de Forest's kind- 
ness to, 157; genealogical note on, 
301, 302. 

De Forest, Abel, services in the Revo- 
lutionary War, I, 232, 237, 238; 
II, 299, 314, 330-33; visits Lock- 
wood de Forest, 128, 129. 

De Forest, Abigail. See Peat, Abi- 
gail. 

De Forest, Abigail, daughter of 
David of Wilton, 11, 292. 

De Forest, Abraham, 11, 287. 



De Forest, Alfred Henry, 11, 35, loi, 
310. 

Dc Forest, Alfred Victor, 11, 311. 

Dc Forest, Alice Delano, 11, 3x1. 

De Forest, Alonzo, 11, 316. 

De Forest, Ann, 11, 295. 

De Forest, Ann Maria, 11, 306. 

De Forest, Ann Mehetabel, 11, 35, 
III, 153, 310. 

De Forest, Anne, daughter of Jean, 
I, 9, II. 

De P'orest, Anne, wife of Jean, i, 9, 
II. 

De Forest, Anthony, i, 257; 11, 348. 

De Forest, Archibald, i, 258; ii, 343. 

De Forest, Arthur Hopkins, 11, 306. 

De Forest, Augusta Spring, 11, 309. 

De Forest, Augustus, 11, 315. 

De Forest, Barent (or Barnet), 11, 
289. 

De Forest, Benjamin, of Ripton, son 
of David, i, 171, 209; 11, 296, 315; 
descendants of, 296, 297, 315, 316. 

De Forest, Benjamin, son of Benja- 
min of Ripton, II, 296, 297, 316. 

De Forest, Benjamin, son of (the 
above) Benjamin, 11, 316. 

De Forest, Benjamin, son of Benja- 
min Lockwood, II, 309. 

De Forest, Benjamin, son of Elihu, 
11,314- 

De Forest, Benjamin, son of Isaac, 

II, 294, 315. _ 
De Forest, Benjamin Lockwood, 11, 

309- 

De Forest, Betsey (Aunt Betsey), at 
mother's death, i, 300; in father's 
will, 314; her homes, 11, 42, 43; 
at time of Susan's wedding, 103; 
her home life happy, 105; descrip- 
tion of, 105, 106; goes to Bridge- 
port with Lockwood, 117, 118; at 
Bridgeport, 136; at Louisa's wed- 
ding, 138, 139; visits New York, 
139; death, 153, 154; genealogical 
note on, 305. 

De Forest, Bills Clark, 11, 314. 

De Forest, Caroline, 11, 309. 

De Forest, Catherine ("Cate"), 11, 
297. 

De Forest, Catrina, 11, 287. 

De Forest, Chanty. See Beach. 

De Forest, Charles ist, son of Nehe- 
miah, 11, 301, 306, 314. 



[ 375 ] 



Index 



De Forest, Charles 2nd, son of Nehe- 
miah, birth, i, 302; 11,9; in father's 
will, 1,314; genealogical note on, 11, 
301,306,314. 

De Forest, Charles, son of Othniel, 
II, 316. 

De Forest, Charles Edward, 11, 306. 

De Forest, Charles Noyés, 11, 311. 

De Forest, Charles Sterling, 11, 306. 

De Forest, Clark, 11, 313. 

De Forest, Crispin, i, 75. 

De Forest, Curtis, son of John, 11, 

315- 
De Forest, Curtis, son of Joseph, 11, 

315- 
De Forest, Daniel, son of Elisha, 11, 

315- 

De Forest, Daniel, son of Henry, 11, 
295. 

De Forest, David of Wilton ist, i, 
172; II, 291, 292; descendants of, 
292, 313, 314; copy of deed of 
property, 362. 

De Forest, David of Wilton 2nd, i, 
224, 225; II, 292, 313. 

De Forest, David of Wilton 3rd, i, 
224, 229; II, 313, 326, 327. 

De Forest, David, son of Isaack, i, 
142; birth and baptism, 149; his 
signature, 149; removes to Strat- 
ford, 150; marriage, 161-63; home 
of, 163-67; his occupation, 168, 
169; appearance of, 169, 170; mar- 
riage of two daughters, 170; death, 
171; his estate, 171, 172; descend- 
ants of, 173; II, 289-97, 313-16; 
deed for his house, 359, 360; 
papers relating to the distribution 
of his estate, 360. 

De Forest, David, son of Jesse, i, 14; 
II, 284. 

De Forest, David, son of Philip, 11, 
287. 

De Forest, David, son of Samuel, i, 
202, 215, 217, 277; descendants of, 
II, 300, 301, 314. 

De Forest, David C. (Don), 11, 28, 
297 n., 316. 

De Forest, David Lambert, i, 233; 
II, 314, 328. 

De Forest, David Lum, 11, 301, 314. 

De Forest, de Lauzun, birth and 
name, i, 282, 11, 4; at mother's 
death, i, 300; in father's will, 314; 



at New Haven, 11, 43; death, 47, 
50; genealogical note on, 304, 305, 
314; children of, 305. 
De Forest, Ebenezer, son of Anthony 

I, 230, 257; II, 346-48. 

De Forest, Ebenezer, son of Nehe- 

miah, 11, 315. 
De Forest, Edward, of Stratford, 11, 

294> 29s, 315- 
De Forest, Edward, son of Edward, 

II, 294, 315. 

De Forest, Edward, son of John, 11, 

315- 
De Forest, Edward Francis, 11, 306. 
De Forest, Edward Layton, 11, 309. 
De Forest, Edward Wheeler, 11, 309. 
De Forest, Eleanor, 11, 9. 
De Forest, Elihu, son of David of 

Wilton, war record of, i, 233, 255; 

II, 292, 319, 320, 322; children of, 

314- 
De Forest, Elihu, son of Joseph, 11, 

299, 314- 
De Forest, Elisha, i, 233 ; 11, 294, 3 15, 

322, 340. 
De Forest, Eliud, 11, 313. 
De Forest, Eliza, 11, 24; baptized, 33; 

and the moon, loi; marriage, iii; 

in New York, 153; descendants of, 

3o8> 309- 
De Forest, Eliza Hallett, 11, 312. 
'De Forest, Elizabeth, daughter of 

Charles, 11, 306. 
De Forest, Elizabeth, daughter of 

David, II, 295, 296. 
De Forest, Elizabeth, daughter of de 

Lauzun, 11, 305. 
De Forest, Elizabeth, daughter of 

Isaac, II, 288. 
De Forest, Elizabeth, daughter of 

Jesse, I, 14; II, 283. 
De Forest, Elizabeth, daughter of 

Samuel, i, 200, 217; 11, 297. 
De Forest, Ephralm, i, 255; 11, 292, 

314, 320. 
De Forest, Ephraim B., 11, 314. 
De Forest, Erastus, 11, 315. 
De Forest, Esther, 11, 297. 
De Forest, Ethel, 11, 311. 
De Forest, Eunice, daughter of 

David, II, 301. 
De Forest, Eunice, daughter of 

Edward, 11, 294. 
De Forest, Ezra, 11, 316. 



[ 376 1 



Index 



De Forest, Frances Emily, ii, 311. 

De Forest, Frederick Lockwood 1st, 
son of Lockwood, 11, 102, 311. 

De Forest, Frederick Lockwood 2nd, 
son of Lockwood, 11, 106, 132; his 
account of Louisa's wedding, 138; 
difficult to control, 140; goes to 
Amherst, 149; genealogical note 
on, 312. 

De Forest, Frederick Lockwood, son 
of James Goodrich, 11, 312. 

De Forest, George, son of John, i, 
257; II, 343. 

De Forest, George Beach, 11, 35; at 
Mr. Rowland's, 100, loi; marriage 
engagement of, 131; his devotion 
to his mother, 156; descendants of, 
309- 

De Forest, George B., son of above, 
II, 309. 

De Forest, Gerard, birth, i, 9; mem- 
ber of Reformed Church at Ley- 
den, TO; married and settled at 
Leyden, 15; statement of, regard- 
ing Jesse's departure for the West 
Indies, 28, 29; becomes dyer in 
colors at Leyden, 57, 58; assists his 
nephew Hendrick, 64, 72; contracts 
with Van Rensselaer for interest in 
colony, 70, 71; delays in paying 
his full share of expenses of colony, 
78; and Kiliaen van Rensselaer, 
text of contract between, 11, 350- 

52- 

De Forest, Gerrit, son of Henricus, 
II, 289. • 

De Forest, Gerrit, son of Isaack, 11, 
285, 286. 

De Forest, Gertrude, See Bornstra. 

De Forest, Gideon, war record of, i, 
237, 279; II, 337, 338; in whale- 
boat service, i, 237, 256; reunion 
at home of, 238; 11, 128; genea- 
logical note on, 299, 313. 

De Forest, Gilles, i, 7. 

De Forest, Grandison, 11, 316. 

De Forest, Hannah, 11, 301. 

De Forest, Helen, 11, 309. 

De Forest, Henricus, son of Henri- 
cus, 11, 289. 

De Forest, Henricus, son of Isaack, 
I, 142; 11, 288, 289. 

De Forest, Henry, son of David, i, 
209, 275; ir, 29s, 315. 



De Forest, Henry, son of Ephraim, 

n, 314- 

De Forest, Henry, son of Henry, war 
record of, i, 224, 225; 11, 341, 342; 
genealogical note on, 295, 315. 

De Forest, Henry, son of Isaack, i, 
147; II, 285. 

De Forest, Henry (Hendrick), son of 
Jesse, I, 14; adventures contained 
in Van Rensselaer Bowier Manu- 
scripts, 63; helped by his uncle, 
Gerard, 64, 72; in service of 
Swanendael patroons, 64-69; sails 
on the "Whale," 67-69; in service 
of West India Co., 69; decides 
to settle in America, 69, 70; be- 
comes mate of the Rensselaers- 
wyck, 72; marriage, 75; sails on 
the Rensselaerswyck, 75; writes 
home from England, 78, 79; ar- 
rives in New Netherland, 81; 
secures grant on Manhattan 
Island, 82; builds house, 83-87; 
sails for Virginia, 87, 88; illness 
and death, 88, 89; funeral, 89, 90; 
his estate, 90-97, 99-101, 1 12-15; 
declaration of, concerning pa- 
troons, II, 352-55; copy of petition 
of Jean de Forest relative to estate 
of, 3SS, 356. 

De Forest, Henry Grant, his remi- 
niscences of his brother Wheeler, 
II, 39, 40; birth, 105; his descrip- 
tion of Aunt Betsey, 105, 106; his 
reminiscences of the Greenwich 
Street days, 107-10; at boarding- 
school, 1x8, 120-22; letter to, from 
his father, 119; enters Amherst 
College, 122-26; words of, regard- 
ing his brother Wheeler's educa- 
tion, 123, 124; letter of Wheeler 
to, 124, 125; wishes to come home 
for vacation, 126, 127; an apprecia- 
tion of his brother Wheeler, 135; 
neglectful at college, 141; his ac- 
counts while at college, 141, 142; 
improves, 142, 143; extracts from 
letters of Wheeler to, 143-45; ^sks 
for a present of Shakespeare, 146; 
graduates from Amherst and goes 
to Law School at New Haven, 149; 
his early memories of his mother, 
156; devoted to his brother 
Wheeler, 161; enters law office, 



[ 377 ] 



Index 



l6i; fellow-students of, 162; enters 
on practice, 162; marriage, 162, 
163; his love for his father, 166; 
descendants of, 311. 

De Forest, Henry Lockwood, ll, 3 1 1. 

De Forest, Henry Wheeler, n, 311. 

De Forest, Henry Wheeler, Jr., n, 

311- 

De Forest, Hephsa, 11, 301. 

De Forest, Hepzibah (" Aunt Hep- 
sy "), birth, i, 176, 187; and Grand- 
mother Harvey, 200; account of 
her character and life, 204hd8; at 
time of her parents' death, 216; at 
BarnHill, II, 44;her children, 299, 
300. 

De Forest, Hettie Wheeler, 11, 311. 

De Forest, Hezekiah, son of Benja- 
min, II, 296, 315. 

De Forest, Hezekiah, son of David, 
II, 292, 313, 318, 319. 

De Forest, Hezekiah, son of Heze- 
kiah, II, 313. 

De Forest, Huldah, 11, 295. 

De Forest, Isaac, son of Benjamin, 
II, 297, 316. , T^ .J r 

De Forest, Isaac, son of David of 
Derby, 11, 301, 314. 

De Forest, Isaac, son of David of 
Stratford, 11, 293, 294, 315. 

De Forest, Isaac, son of David of 
Wilton 2nd, 11, 313. 

De Forest, Isaac, son of Edward, 
II, 294, 315, 321. 

De Forest, Isaac, son of Elisha, n, 315. 

De Forest, Isaac, son of Isaac, son of 
Benjamin, 11, 316. 

De Forest, Isaac, son of Isaac of 
Newtown, war record of, i, 229, 
231; II, 294, 320, 321, 338, 339; 
descendants of, 294, 315. 

De Forest, Isaac, son of Isaack, i, 
142; II, 288. 

De Forest, Isaac, son of Philip, 11, 
287. 

De Forest, Isaac, son of William, 11, 

117, 303- 
De Forest, Isaac (unidentified), 11, 

327- 
De Forest, Isaack, birth, i, 16; 11, 
283; decides to settle in America, 
I, 69, 70, 72; arrives in New Neth- 
erland, 81, 109; at Vredendal with 
his sister, 92, lio; and Hendrick's 



property, 99, 100, 112, 113; his 
bouwery, 109, no, 1 14-16; mar- 
riage, no, III; the Court Mes- 
senger, no; contracts to have a 
house built, 112; birth and death 
of son Jessen, 113; leases his 
bouwery to John Denton, 114; 
sells house and part of bouwerj^, 
115; removes to New Amsterdam, 
116; his house on Winckel Straet, 
117; obtains property on Marckt- 
veldt, 117; removes to Brouwer 
Straet, 1 18; a free merchant, 123; 
conducts a brewery, 124; assists 
Van Couwenhoven, 125, 126; gets 
possession of the old church prop- 
erty, 126; builds house on church 
lot, 127; other houses built by, 
128; one of the Nine Men, 129, 
130; becomes a schepen, 130, 134; 
other positions held by, 130; a 
public-spirited man, 131, 132; be- 
comes a great burgher, 132-34; 
his son Jan, 135; taken prisoner by 
the English, 136, 137; signs peti- 
tion for surrender of New Amster- 
dam, 138, 139; takes oath of 
allegiance to England, 140; makes 
joint will with his wife, 141-43; 
death, 143; funeral, 143-45; size of 
his estate, 145, 146; the period of 
his life, 146; site of his house, 147 
71.; descendants of, 11, 285-89; 
copy of grant of land to, 357, 358; 
deed to, from Jan Verbrugge, for 
house and lot, 359. 

De Forest, Israel, i, 16; 11, 283. 

De Forest, James, son of Edward, 11, 

3IS.34I- 
De Forest, James, son of John, 11, 

315,341- 

De Forest, James Goodrich, 11, 106; 
at boarding-school, 118, 120-22; 
hard to control, 140; goes to Am- 
herst, 149; descendants of, 311, 
312. 

De Forest, James Goodrich, Jr., 11, 
312. 

De Forest, Jan, i, 135. 

De Forest, Jane, 11, 33, 35; marriage, 
III; in New York, 152, 153, 158; 
descendants of, 309. 

De Forest, Jaspard, i, 7. 

De Forest, Jean, father of Jesse, i, 7; 



[ 378 ] 



Index 



marriage, 9; children, 9; becomes 
a Protestant, 9, 10; removes to 
Sedan, 10, 13; emigrates to Hol- 
land, II. 

De Forest, Jean (Jan, Jehan, 
Johannes), son of Jesse, baptism, i, 
14; invests in his father's emigra- 
tion enterprise, 72, 78; his claim 
to portion of Hendrick's estate, 99, 
100, 113; genealogical note on, 11, 
283, 284; copy of petition of, rela- 
tive to Hendrick's estate, 355, 

^356. 

De Forest, Jeremie, i, 157. 

De Forest, Jesse, a Walloon, i, 3; 
birth, 5, 13; forbears of, 5; grand- 
parents of, 5-7; father of, 7-12; 
childhood at Avesnes, 13; mar- 
riage, 14; children, 14, 16; mer- 
chant and dyer at Leyden, 15; 
enlists Walloons and French 
Protestants to emigrate to Amer- 
ica, 18; his interview with Sir 
Dudley Carleton, 18; demands of, 
19, 20; Virginia Company's an- 
swer to his demands, 21; appeals 
to "States of Holland and West 
Friesland," 22; appeals to States 
General, 22; his request granted, 
23; Journal of his voyage, 24, 28; 
II, 171-279; petitions to transport 
families to South America, i, 26; 
II, 179; commands expedition of 
heads of families, i, 26, 27; claim 
that he founded New York, 28, 29; 
sails for America, 30; account of 
his voyage to America, 30-32, 35, 
36; II, 176; never came to New 
Netherland, i, 34; along the Ama- 
zon, 36-40; at the Wyapoko 
River, 40-55; as peace-maker 
among the Indians, 48; visits the 
Caribs, 50; death, 50, 51; 11, 178; 
children of, i, 57-108; 11, 283-85; 
evidence in the Journal for his 
colony, 172, 173; possibly part 
author of the Journal, 181. See 
Journal. 

De Forest, Jesse, son of Henricus, 11, 
289. 

De Forest, Jesse, son of Jean, i, 9, 1 1. 

De Forest, Jesse, son of Jesse, i, 16; 
II, 283, 285. 

De Forest, Jesse, son of Philip, 11, 287. 



De Forest, Jessen, i, 113; 11, 285. 
De Forest, Johannes, son of Isaac, 

II, 288. 

De Forest, Johannes, son of Philip, 
II, 287. 

De Forest, John, son of Edward, 11, 
294, 315. 

De Forest, John (Johannes), son of 
Isaack, i, 142, 147; 11, 286, 287. 

De Forest, John, son of John, son of 
Edward, 11, 315. 

De Forest, John, son of John (un- 
identified), I, 258; II, 343. 

De Forest, John Hancock, 11, 316. 

De Forest, John W., The de Forests 
of Avesnes, 1, 4 n.; 11, 313; on the 
Walloons, i, 3; argues that Jesse 
sailed to America in the "New 
Netherland," 29 n.\ his descrip- 
tion of David de Forest's house, 
164, 165. 

De Forest, Johnston, 11, 311. 

De Forest, Joseph, son of David, 11, 

301,314- 
De Forest, Joseph, son of Elihu, il, 

314- 
De Forest, Joseph, son of Edward, i, 

232; II, 295, 315, 340, 341. 
De Forest, Joseph, son of Joseph, 11, 

315- 

De Forest, Joseph, son of Samuel, 
birth, I, 176; at age of twelve, 200; 
marries and builds homestead, 
204; memorializes General Assem- 
bly, 213; in mother's will, 215; 
death, 217; descendants of, 11, 298, 

299, 3 14- 
De Forest, Josephine, 11, 309. 
De Forest, Josiah, i, 202, 217, 275; 

II, 297, 314. 
De Forest, Judith Brasher, 11, 311. 
De Forest, Julia Brasher, 11, 311. 
De Forest, Julia Mary, 11, 311. 
De Forest, Lemuel, 11, 292, 313. 
De Forest, Linson, i, 3 1 1 ; 11, 3 16. 
De Forest, Lockwood, son of Henry 

G., 11, 311. 
De Forest, Lockwood, son of above, 

II, 311. 
De Forest, Lockwood, son of Nehe- 

miah, birth, i, 276; 11, 3; marriage, 

I, 295; II, 5, 6; at mother's death, 

I, 300; in Weston, 309; 11, 10-12; 

mentioned in father's will, i, 314; 



[ 379 ] 



Index 



childhood, ii, 3, 4; schooling, 4; 
reminiscences of his married life, 
6-8; opens store and becomes 
Treasurer of New Stratford, 9, 10; 
town constable, 10; removes to 
Fairfield, 13; official appointments, 
13; has charge of gaol, 13, 14; resi- 
dence at Fairfield, 15, 16; buys 
store at New Stratford, 20; official 
duties, 20, 21; runs department 
store at Bridgeport, 22; removes 
to New Haven, 23; official posi- 
tions in New Haven, 24; shipping 
merchant on Union Wharf, 25, 
27, 28; residence of, 29-31; joins 
the church, 32; taken to account 
for playing cards, 33, 34, 65; char- 
acter of, 34, 35, 46, 47; children 
born to, at New Haven, 35; letter 
of, to Captain Coggeshall, 36; letter 
of, to his son William Wheeler, 
37-39; removes to New York, 41, 
46; church trial of, 48-98; at 
Greenwich Village, 98-100; re- 
moves to Roosevelt St., 100; other 
residences of, 103, 104, 107; chil- 
dren born to, at New York, 105, 
106; marriage of children, iii; 
takes son Wheeler into partner- 
ship, III; business premises, iii; 
wins suit against insurance com- 
panies, 112; as a father, 112; con- 
troversy with his son Wheeler, 
1 1 2-16; removes to Bridgeport, 
117; life at Bridgeport, 117-20; 
and his horses, 118, 147-49; 
letter to Henry and James, 
121, 122; advice to son entering 
Amherst, 126; urges his son not 
to come home for vacation, 126, 
127; in public affairs, 129; joy at 
news that son has decided to join 
the church, 129, 130; plants trees 
around Fairfield Green, 130, 131; 
reconciliation of, with Wheeler, 
132-34; visits Washington, 140; 
writes to his son Henry at college, 
141, 142; his estimate of Shake- 
speare, 146; buys Family Bible 
and begins to keep family records, 
149-51; removes to New York, 
ISI~S3; failing health, 164; will, 
164; death, 165; the accomplish- 
ment of his life, 165, 166; genea- 



logical note on, 303, 304, 314; 

descendants of, 307-12; deeds of 

property, 363, 364. 
De Forest, Lockwood N., 11, 303. 
De Forest, Louis Stanislas Hargous, 

11, 309. 
De Forest, Louisa, nearly loses her 

life, II, 104; at home,ii8; marriage, 

138; son Ijorn to, 146; at Albany, 

153; removes to New York, 158; 

genealogical note on, 307, 311. 
De Forest, Louise Woodruff, 11, 311. 
De Forest, Marcus, 11, 303. 
De Forest, Margaret, 11, 288. 
De Forest, Margaret Eliza, 11, 131, 

309- 
De Forest, Maria, daughter of Hen- 

ricus, II, 289. 
De Forest, Maria, daughter of Isaac, 

II, 288. 
De Forest, Maria, daughter of Isaack, 

I, 142; II, 285, 289. 

De Forest, Marie. See Du Cloux. 
De Forest, Marie, daughter of Isaack, 

II, 285. 

De Forest, Marie, daughter of Jesse, 
I, 14; II, 283. 

De Forest, Martha, daughter of 
David of Stratford, 11, 290, 291. 

De Forest, Martha, daughter of 
David of Wilton, 11, 292. 

De Forest, Martha, daughter of 
Edward, 11, 294. 

De Forest, Martha, daughter of 
Samuel, i, 176, 199, 217; 11, 297. 

De Forest, Martha, wife of David. 
See Blagge. 

De Forest, Mary, daughter of David, 
I, 163, 170; II, 290. 

De Forest, Mary, daughter of 
Edward, 11, 295. 

De Forest, Mary, daughter of Sam- 
uel, birth, I, 176; at age of fifteen, 
199; marriage, 203, 204; at par- 
ents' death, 216; genealogical note 
on, II, 297; children of, 298. 

De Forest, Mary, wife of Nehemiah, 
letters to, from her father, i, 271- 
75; children born to, 276, 277; 
death, 300. See Lockwood, Mary. 

De Forest, Mary Ann, 11, 303. 

De Forest, Mary Jane, i, 311. 

De Forest, Mary Lockwood, daugh- 
ter of Lockwood, II, 11; baptism, 



[ 380] 



Index 



33; marriage, 102; at Fairfield, 
118, 130, 131, 153; descendants of, 
307, 308. 

De Forest, Mary Lockwood, mother 
of Lockwood, death, 11, 5. 

De Forest, Mehetabel (Hetty), mar- 
riage, II, 5, 6; reminiscences of her 
married life, 6-8; sells interest in 
farm at Foolshatch, 31; a grand- 
daughter's description of, 154, 155; 
devotion of her children and 
grandchildren to, 155, 156, 163; 
her kindness to her relatives, 157; 
as widow, 166; death, 167. See 
Wheeler, Mehetabel. 

De Forest, Melchior, grandfather of 
Jesse, I, 5-7. 

De Forest, Melchior, son of Jean, i, 
9, 10, 15. 

De Forest, Metje, 11, 287. 

De Forest, Michiel, 11, 285. 

De Forest, Mills, war record of, i, 
232, 237; 11, 299, 314, 333-36; at 
reunion of brothers, i, 238; 11, 128. 

De Forest, Mitchell Lamson, 11, 315. 

De Forest, Nathan, 11, 314. 

De Forest, Nehemiah, son of Benja- 
min, I, 231, 259; II, 296, 315, 342, 

343- 

De Forest, Nehemiah, son of Sam- 
uel, birth, I, 199, 259; marriage, 
208, 260, 261; remains at the old 
homestead, 208, 217; his portion, 
208, 259, 261; memorializes Gen- 
eral Assembly, 213, 264; provided 
for in mother's will, 215; assists in 
War, 229, 254, 256, 277-79; invests 
in land, 265; as innkeeper, 265-69; 
in public affairs, 270, 271; loss of 
father, mother, brother, and uncle, 
275; children born to, 276, 277; 
de Lauzun at inn of, 279-83; on 
committee of reconciliation in mat- 
ter of new township, 285 ; and 
Lockwood's marriage, 295; 11, 6; 
second marriage, i, 301; 11, 5, 9; 
a Mason, i, 302; in public afîairs, 
303-05; removes to Weston, 309- 
12; will and death, 312-14; 11, II, 
41; epitaph, i, 314; children of, ix, 
301-06, 314; deeds of property, 
362, 363. 

De Forest, Othniel, 11, 297, 316. 

De Forest, Philip, i, 142; 11, 287. 



De Forest, Philippe, i, 16; 11, 283. 
De Forest, Philo, son of Hezekiah, 

", 315- 
De Forest, Philo, son of John, 11, 315. 
De Forest, Philo, son of Nehemiah, 

I, 300, 312; in father's will, 314; 
genealogical note on, 11, 304, 314. 

De Forest, Phœbe, 11, 289. 

De Forest, Polly, daughter of David, 

II. 301. 

De Forest, Polly (Mary), daughter 
of Nehemiah, at mother's death, 

I, 301, 303; marriage, 305, 307, 
308; death, 308; mentioned in 
father's will, 314; joins the church, 

II, 42; genealogical note on, 303, 

304- 

De Forest, Rachel, birth, i, 14; mar- 
riage, 58, 59; sails for Tobago, 59; 
returns to Holland, 62; decides to 
settle in America, 69, 70, 72; in 
America, 92; death, 104, 113; 
guardianship of her three grand- 
children, II, 284; children of, 284. 

De Forest (De Frees), Reuben, i, 
230, 257; II, 343-46. 

De Forest, Richard, 11, 301, 314. 

De Forest, Robert W., 11, 151, 3 1 1. 

De Forest, Sally, 11, 299. 

De Forest, Samuel, son of David of 
Stratford, birth, i, 174; baptism, 
174; owns the covenant, 174; mar- 
riage, 174, 176; his home, 175-77; 
removes to Moose Hill, in Ripton, 
180-82; builds house, 182-86; 
date of his settlement in Ripton, 
186, 187; getting settled, 188; in 
public affairs, 196, 197; becomes 
military officer, 198; on church 
committees, 198, 199; his holdings, 
202; memorializes General Assem- 
bly, 209-11; how affected by set- 
ting off of New Stratford, 211, 212; 
second memorial of, 212; third 
memorial of, and answer thereto, 
213, 214; death, 216, 275; descend- 
ants of, II, 292, 297-301, 314; deed 
for property of, 360, 361. 

De Forest, Samuel, son of David of 
Wilton 1st, in the Revolutionary 
War, II, 224-26, 233-36, 292, 322- 
25; member of Society of the Cin- 
cinnati, I, 236; II, 292; children of, 
314- 



[ 381 ] 



Index 



De Forest, Samuel, son of David of 

Wilton 2nci, ii, 313. 
De Forest, Samuel, son of Ephraim, 

n, 314- 
De Forest, Samuel or Lemuel, son of 

Isaac, II, 316. 
De Forest, Samuel ("The Fifer"), 

son of Joseph, war record of, i, 

228; II, 328-30; three brothers of, 

I, 232; II, 128, 299; personal nar- 
rative of, I, 238-53; genealogical 
note on, 11, 299. 

De Forest, Samuel, son of Samuel, i, 

200, 217; II, 314. 
De Forest, Samuel Adams, 11, 315. 
De Forest, Samuel Henry, 11, 301, 

314- 

De Forest, Sara, 11, 287. 

De Forest, Sarah, daughter of Da- 
vid, I, 163, 170; II, 290. 

De Forest, Sarah, daughter of Ed- 
ward, II, 294. 

De Forest, Sarah, daughter of Hen- 
ricus, II, 289. 

De Forest, Sarah, daughter of Isaac, 

II, 288. 

De Forest, Sarah, daughter of Lock- 
wood, II, 35; marriage, iii; ad- 
vises Henry not to come home for 
vacation, 127; in New York, 153; 
descendants of, 310. 

De Forest, Sarah Sterling, 11, 306. 

De Forest, Shepherd Knapp, 11, 309. 

De Forest, Sidney, 11, 316. 

De Forest, Stephen Hallett, 11, 312. 

De Forest, Susan, daughter of Lock- 
wood, birth, II, 21; baptism, 33; 
her love affair, 99, 100; account of 
her wedding, 102, 103; in New 
York, 153; descendants of, 308. 

De Forest, Susanna, 11, 287. 

De Forest, Susannah, daughter of 
Henricus, 11, 289. 

De Forest, Susannah, daughter of 
Isaack, i, 142; 11, 285. 

De Forest, Susannah, daughter of 
John, II, 287. 

De Forest, Susannah Mills, i, 238; 
II, 298. See Mills, Susannah. 

De Forest, Timothy, i, 228; 11, 295, 

31S. 342. 
De Forest, Tory, x, 255. 
De Forest, Uriah, i, 229; 11, 3 13, 325, 

326. 



De Forest, William, son of Benjamin, 

II, 316. 
De Forest, William, son of Edward, 

I, 224, 22$; II, 29s, 315, 340. 
De Forest, William, son of John, i, 

258; II, 343. 
De Forest, William, son of Joseph, 

De Forest, William, son of Nehe- 
miah, birth, i, 276; at mother's 
death, 300; removes to Weston, 
309; II, 10-12; mentioned in fa- 
ther's will, I, 3 14; genealogical note 
on, 11, 302, 314; descendants of, 
303- 

De Forest, William A., 11, 305. 

De Forest, William B., 11, 305. 

De Forest, William Wheeler, son of 
James Goodrich, 11, 312. 

De Forest, William Wheeler, son of 
Lockwood, II, 9, 15, 33; character, 
35) 39; joins sailing vessel, 35, 36; 
letter of his father to Captain 
Coggeshall, 36; letter of his father 
^^Oj 37~39j his later success in life, 
39, 100; adventures of, on voyage, 
39-41; visits of, to Newtown and 
Barn Hill, 45; at his sister's wed- 
ding, 103; taken into partnership 
by his father, I II ; controversy with 
his father, 1 12-16; his brother 
Henry's description of his educa- 
tion, 123, 124; letter of, to Henry, 
124, 125; reconciliationof, with his 
father, 132-34; an appreciation of, 
by Henry, 135; his description of 
Louisa's wedding, 139; visits New 
York, 139; extracts from his letters 
to Henry, 143-45; on holiday in 
Europe, 145; his devotion to his 
mother, 155; entertained his rela- 
tives, 158; his popularity, 159; 
his love of horses, 159, 160; and 
Napoleon's snuff-box, 160; and the 
Mercantile Exchange building, 
160, 161; his wealth, 161; devoted 
to his brother Henry, 161; rents 
house to Henry, 163; buys resi- 
dence on Fifth Avenue, 166; gene- 
alogical note on, 307. 

De Forest, Zalmon, 11, 314. 

De Forest, Zeruiah (Zerua), 11, 
294. 

De Forest prize at Yale, 11, 297 n. 



[ 382 ] 



Index 



De Forests in war time, i, 218-58, 

277-83- 

De Forests (Defreests) of Albany, 11, 
287. 

De Hooges, Elenora, 11, 284. 

De Laet, Johannes, i, 64. 

De Lauzun, Due, i, 279-82; 11, 305. 

De la Grange, Crispin, i, 15. 

De la Grange, Hester, i, 15. 

Delaware Bay, i, 64. See South 
River. 

Denton, John, i, 114. 

De Peyster, A., i, 149. 

De Riemer, Isaac, 11, 289. 

De Riemer, Peter, 11, 286. 

De Rochambeau, Comte, i, 279, 281. 

De Rymier, Peter. See De Riemer. 

Descendre, Anthoine, i, 27; 11, 189. 

Desha, Julia, 11, 311. 

Devil's Den, the, 11, 11. 

De Vries, David, i, 64, 66, 67, 88, 89. 

Digan, Barthelemi, i, 27; 11, 189. 

Disborough, Mercy, 11, 16 n. 

Doctors in New Netherland, i, 98. 

Donckaerts, Jasper, his account of 

1 house-building in New Netherland, 
I, 86. 

Douillers, Abraham, i, 27; 11, 189. 

Downer, Adeline, 11, 309. 

Downer, Bertha A., 11, 309. 

Downer, Charles, 11, 309. 

Downer, Charlotte F., 11, 309. 

Downer, Eliza. S^^De Forest, Eliza. 

Downer, Eliza de Forest, 11, 309. 

Downer, Frederick William, 11, 309. 

Downer, Lisa de Forest, 11, 309. 

Downer, Louis de Forest, 11, 309. 

Downer, Samuel, 11, iii, 308. 

Downer, Samuel Robinson, 11, 309. 

Downer, Sarah W., 11, 309. 

Downer, Sophia W., 11, 309. 

Downer, William Forbes, 11, 309. 

Drapers' Guild at Leyden, i, 16. 

Du Chesne, Susanna, i, no. 

Du Cloux, Marie, i, 14, 57, 58. 

Du Cloux, Nicaise, i, 14. 

Du Fosset, Catherine, i, 5. 

Dummer, Jeremiah, i, 156. 

Dunning, Phebe, 11, 313. 

Dutch West India Company, i, 14, 
22, 25, 54, 60; original records of, 
34 n.; patroon system of, 63-69. 

Du Trieux (de Truy, Truax), Phil- 
ippe, I, no. III, 113. 



Du Trieux, Sara, i, loi, no, in, 

141-43, 147. 
Dwight, Helen Rood, 11, 308. 
Dwight, Rev. Timothy, 11, 308. 
Dwight, Winthrop Edwards, 11, 308. 
Dyers at Leyden, i, 15, 16. 
Dye-woods, i, 49. 

Earle, Alice Morse, i, 68 n. 
Fasten, Conn., i, 309 n.; 11, 10 n. 
Edmundson, Rev. George, 11, 173. 
Edwards, Abby Hiller, 11, 310. 
Edwards, Alice Minturn, 11, 310. 
Edwards, Camilla, 11, 310. 
Edwards, Charles Atwood, 11, 310. 
Edwards, Edward, 11, 185 n. 
Edwards, Edwin Wakeman, 11, 310. 
Edwards, Helen Aldis, 11, 310. 
Edwards, Helena Roosevelt, 11, 310. 
Edwards, Hetty de Forest, 11, 310. 
Edwards, Jonathan, i, 192, 298. 
Edwards, Katharine Hiller, 11, 310. 
Edwards, Katharine Livingstone, 11, 

310. 
Edwards, Mary Porter, 11, 310. 
Edwards, Sarah. See De Forest, 

Sarah. 
Edwards, Sarah de Forest, 11, 310. 
Edwards, Susan Lord, 11, 310. 
Edwards, Walter, father, 11, 111,3 lO- 
Edwards, Walter, son, 11, 3 10. 
Edwards, Wheeler de Foiest, 11, 310. 
Edwards, William Henry Leonard, 

II, 310. 
Ely, Rev. David, i, 257; 11, 298. 
Ely, Zebulon, 11, 298. 
English, the, New Amsterdam taken 

by, I, 135-39- 
Episcopalians and Congregational- 

ists, I, 303-05. 
Epitaphs, I, 300. 
Essequibo River, I, 38, 55; 11, 172, 

175, 176, 265, 276-79. 
Evarts, William M., 11, 162. 
Exchange, system of, among New 

England planters, i, 201, 202. 

Fairchild, Daniel, 11, 291. 
Fairfield, Conn., i, 153, 228, 254; 11, 

13-23, 130, 131. 
Families, large, 11, 106. 
Family Bible, 11, 150, 151, 287 n. 
Fifth Connecticut regiment, i, 224- 

26, 234. 



[ 383 ] 



Index 



Fitch, Hannah, i, 260. 

Fitch, John VV., 11, 307. 

"Flying Dragon," the, i, 54, 55, 60; 

II, 178, 259, 265 n., 269. 
Foolshatch, i, 286; 11, 5, 31. 
Fort Orange, i, 107. 
Fortuyn, the, i, S9-61. 
Fosdick, Lucian J., quoted on the life 

of the Huguenots in America, i, 

92, 93- 
Four Revolutionary Brothers, i, 238; 

II, 128, 299, 328-38. 
Fransen, Bout, i, 103. 
Fredericsz, Pieter, i, 25, 27, 30; ll, 

177, 189. 
Free merchants, i, 73. 
Freedoms, i, 71 n. 
Freemen, i, 73. 
French, Othniel, i, 246-48. 
French and Indian War, de Forests 

in, II, 292-94, 313-15, 318-22. 
Frink, Mr., ii, 148. . 
Funeral, description of, i, 143-45. 

Games, lawful and unlawful, i, 

267. 
Gaols in New Netherland, 11, 13, 14, 

16-19. 
Genealogical, notes, 11, 283-312; 

chart, 313-16. 
Gladding, D. S., 11, 51-55, 68, 69. 
Godebon, Jehan, i, 27; 11, 189. 
Gold, Hezekiah, i, 192, 194, 196. 
Golden marcasite, i, 49; 11, 273. 
Goodrich, Captain James, 11, 28, 54, 

59, 70- 
Grandmother Harvey, i, 188, 200. 
Grant, Josiah Curtis, i, 297. 
Grant of land, copy of, 11, 357, 358. 
Grants to settlers, i, 82. 
Gravestones, i, 300 n. 
Great Awakening, The, I, 192-96. 
Great burghers, i, 132-34. 
Green Dragon. See Flying Dragon. 
Greenwich St., 11, 107. 
Greenwich Village, 11, 99. 
Gregory, Mary (Polly), 11, 297, 

316. 
Gregory, Peter L., 11, 22. 
Gromwegcl, Captain, i, 38. 
Guersignies, i, 6. 
Guiana, i, 38; colonists in, 40-56; a 

voyage to. Journal of, 11, 171-279; 
[ bibliography of, 365, 366. 



Habbesen, Jan, i, 112. 

Hainaut, i, 4, 5, 8. 

Hallett, Julia T., 11, 311. 

Hansen, Hans, i, 94. 

Harcourt, Robert, i, 40. 

Hargous, Anita, 11, 309. 

Harris, Samuel, 11, 307. 

Hawks, Electa, 11, 316. 

Hawley, Abigail, i, 260. 

Hawley, Charity, 11, 300. 

Hawley, Charles, 11, 30a 

Hawley, Cyrus, 11, 300. 

Hawley, Elisha, 11, 300. 

Hawley, Elizabeth, i, 291, 298. 

Hawley, Francis, 11, 300. 

Hawley, Hepzibah. See De Forest, 
Hepzibah. 

Hawley, Hepzibah, daughter of 
Hepzibah, 11, 300. 

Hawley, Hezekiah, 11, 290. 

Hawley, Jane, i, 311; 11, 300, 316. 

Hawley, Joseph, i, 159, 170. 

Hawley, Margaret, 11, 308. 

Hawley, Martha, 11, 290. 

Hawley, Mary (Polly), 11, 300, 314. 

Hawley, Matthew, i, 291. 

Hawley, Milton, i, 205-07, 211, 270; 
II, 299. 

Hawley, Stephen, i, 170; 11, 290. 

Hawley, Nancy, 11, 300. 

Hawley, Nehemiah, 11, 290. 

Hawley, Philena, 11, 300. 

Hawley, Rev. Thomas, i, 260. 

Hayt, Isabel, 11, 313. 

Hickock, Eleanor, i, 301; 11, 301, 314. 

Hickock, Joseph, i, 301 n. 

Hickock, Sarah, i, 301 n. 

Highboy, an old, i, 290. 

Hiller, Sara Katharine, 11, 310. 

Hinman, R. R., quoted, i, 220, 227. 

Historical records, of New Amster- 
dam, II, 366-68; of Connecticut, 

369, 370- 

Hitchcock, Captain John, 11, 321. 

Holland, Protestants in, i, li; Wal- 
loons emigrate to, li. 

HoUister, Louise Maynard, 11, 311. 

HoUister, Maynard, 11, 311. 

Home lot, origin of the name, i, 153. 

Homestead Farm, i, 297-99. 

Hooker, Rev. Thomas, i, 151. 

Hopkins, Maria Louisa, 11, 306, 314. 

Hoskins, Cornelia Estelle, 11, 310. 

House-building, i, 83-87, 182-86. 



[384] 



Index 



Household, care of, i, 292, 293. 
House lot, origin of the name, i, 

Houses, in New Netherland, i, 86, 87, 
119; in Stratford, 161, 164, 165, 
266, 267. 

Houset, Gilles, i, 65. 

Howells, Henry C, 11, 308. 

Hoyt, Major Joseph, i, 251. 

Hubbell, Sarah, 11, 294, 315. 

Hudde, Andries, i, 93-95, 99-IOI; 
marriage banns of, 11, 357. 

Hudde, Hendrick, i, loi. 

Huguenots, of the Walloon country 
under Spanish persecution, i, 4; 
preachers of, among the Walloons, 
8; life in America, 92, 93. 

Huntington, Conn., i, 285. 

Indians, in Guiana, i, 47, 48; 11, 242- 
47, 251, 261, 277; on Manhattan, 
I, 102-04, lo6> 1 13-16; Pequot, 

151- 
Ingersoll, Deborah, 11, 313. 
Inns and innkeepers, i, 265-69, 279- 

83, 301, 306, 307, 311, 312. 
Inoculation, liberty of, i, 303. 

Jansz, Pieter, i, 30, 31, 37, 46; 11, 195, 
220-29, 241. 

Jesse de Forest's Journal. See 
Journal. 

Jogues, Father Isaac, i, 1 19. 

Johnson, Rev. Samuel, i, 160. 

Johnson, Hon. William Samuel, i, 
160; II, 298. 

Johnston, Emily, 11, 311. 

Johnston, John Taylor, 11, 162. 

Journal of Jesse'de Forest's Voyage, 
in British Museum, i, 23; 11, 171; 
title of, I, 24; II, 173; authorship 
of, I, 24; II, 178-82; use of, as 
source, i, 24-56; use of term "Cap- 
tain" in, 27; II, 177, 178; valuable 
as historical evidence, i, 28-30; 11, 
172, 173; maps of, I, 39, 40; II, 
175; public reference to, 172; dis- 
covery of, 173; description of, 173- 
75; concerning the printing and 
translation of, 175, 176; summary 
of the account contained in, 176; 
possible history of, 183-87; text 
and translation of, 188-279. 

Judson, Agur, 11, 298. 



Kalm, Peter, his description of 
houses in New Amsterdam, i, 119. 

Keeler, Phebe, 11, 292, 313. 

Kemble, Meta, 11, 311. 

Kieft, Willem, Director of New Am- 
sterdam, signs ground brief for 
Andries Hudde, i, 94; and his 
councillors, 98, 99; and the Indi- 
ans, 102, 113, 129; signs ground 
brief for La Montagne, 105, 115; 
gives patent for lot to Isaack de 
Forest, 117; on cosmopolitanism 
of New Amsterdam, 119; public 
tavern built by, 121; organizes 
government of New Netherland, 
129. 

King, James G., Jr., 11, 162. 

King, Peter, i, 149. : 

Kip, Jacob, i, 143; 11, 284. 

Kip, Tryntie, 11, 287. 

Knapp, Kate Louise, 11, 309. 

Knight, Madam, her description of 
houses in New Amsterdam, i, 1 19. 

Knox, Emma Lefferts, 11, 310. 

Knox, James Hall Mason, 11, 309. 

Knox, Jane de Forest, 11, 309. 

Knox, Louise Wakeman, 11, 309. 

Koning, Abraham, 11, 289. 

Krug, Lydia, 11, 312. 

Kuyter, Jochem Pietersen i, 109, 
113- 

Labatie, Jan, deed from, to Jan 
Verbrugge, for house and lot, 11, 

358, 359- 

Lafayette, Marquis de, i, 227. 

Lambert, Rachel, 11, 292, 314. 

La Montagne, Gilles, 11, 285. 

La Montagne, Jean Mousnier de, a 
père de familles, i, 27; 11, 190; pos- 
sibly scribe of part of Jesse de 
Forest's Journal, i, 24, 43; 11, 179- 
81, 185; and Round Robin, i, 27; 
letter of, from Wyapoko, 44-46; 
marries Rachel de Forest, 58, 59; 
sails for Tobago, 59; returns to 
Leyden, 62; decides to sail for 
New Netherland, 72; daughter 
Marie born, 80, 81; in command at 
Muscoota, 88, 90, 91; his settle- 
ment of Hendrick de Forest's 
estate, 94-97, 99-101; resides in 
Vredendal, 97, 98; becomes promi- 
nent in New Amsterdam, 98; coun- 



[38s] 



Index 



cillor of Director Kieft, 98, 99; 
evil reports concerning, 102; 
trouble with Indians, 102HD4, 
106; death of wife, 104, 105; re- 
moves to New Amsterdam, 105; 
secures new ground brief for his 
bouwery, 105; marries Angenietie 
Corssen, 105, 106; councillor of 
Peter Stuyvesant, 106; becomes 
vice-Director of Fort Orange, 107; 
in hard circumstances, 107; death, 
108; children of, 11, 284, 285. 

La Montagne, Jean, Jr., i, 62, 116, 
128, 129; II, 284. 

La Montagne, Jesse, first son of 
Jean, i, 62; 11, 284. 

La Montagne, Jesse, second son of 
Jean, 11, 285. 

La Montagne, Jolant, i, 59, 62; 11, 
284. 

La Montagne, Marie, i, 80, 81, 92; 
II, 284. 

La Montagne, Rachel, i, 62, 106; 11, 
284. 

La Montagne, William, 1, 105; 11,284. 

Lamson, Anne, 11, 295, 315. 

Land Records of New Stratford, i, 
265. 

Languages, foreign, value of, i, 145. 

Lebanon, Conn., i, 282. 

Le Fevre, Jean, i, 11, 12. 

Le Maire, Isaac, i, 42 n. 

Le Maire, Jacob, i, 42 n. 

Le Maire, Jacques, i, 42 n. 

Le Maire, Louis, i, 27, 42, 58, 60; 11, 
179, 189, 242. 

Leonard, Camilla, 11, 310. 

Letter, from Wyapoko, i, 44, 45; 
la Montagne to Stuyvesant, 107; 
Peter Lockwood to his daughter, 
272-74; Lockwood de Forest to 
Captain Coggeshall, 11, 36; same to 
Wheeler, 37-39; same to Mr. 
Gladding, 52, 53; same to Rev. N. 
Taylor, 72, 92-94, 96, 97; Rev. N. 
Taylor to Lockwood de Forest, 
74-78, 90, 94, 95, 97; Lockwood de 
Forest to Rev. Moses Stuart, 80; 
Rev. Moses Stuart to Lockwood 
de Forest, 80-84; Lockwood de 
Forest to George, 104; same to 
Henry, 119; same to Henry and 
James, 121, 122; Wheeler de 
Forest to Henry, 124, 125; same 



to Lockwood, 132, 133; Lockwood 

de Forest to Henry, 141, 142; 

Wheeler de Forest to Henry, 143- 

45- 
Letter- (leopard-) wood, i, 49; 11, 261, 

263, 265. 
Lewis, Abby, See De Forest, Abby. 
Lewis, Benjamin, 11, 290. 
Lewis, Benjamin, Jr., i, 170, 181, 

265; II, 290. 
Lewis, Catherine, 11, 298. 
Lewis, Edmund, i, 180, 181. 
Lewis, Edmund, Jr., 198, 209, 211. 
Lewis, George, 11, 291. 
Lewis, Hepzibah, 11, 291. 
Lewis, Lieutenant Colonel Ichabod 

I, 241; II, 328. 
Lewis, Isaac, 11, 291. 
Lewis, Rev. Isaac, i, 261. 

Lewis, Legrand Moss, i, 303-08, 310; 

II, 42, 301, 302, 304. 
Lewis, Nehemiah, 11, 290. 
Lewis, Phœbe, i, 254, 255. 
Lewis, Samuel, i, 265, 283; 11, 291. 
Lewis, William, 11, 290. 
Lexington, battle of, i, 221. 
Leyden, Gerard de Forest at, i, 10; 

Jesse de Forest at, 15-30; Gerard 
de Forest at, 15; Drapers' Guild 
of, 16; English Protestants at, 
17; and the pUgue, 57; biblio- 
graphy of, II, 363, 364. 

Limit trees, 11, 18. 

Lines, Captain, 11, 65. 

Little Squirrel, the, i, 66, 67. 

Livingston, Emily, 11, 308. 

"Loading a ship on the Sabbath," 

". 52, 59-98- 

Lockwood, Captain Eliphalet, i, 236. 

Lockwood, James, 11, 292. 

Lockwood, Mary, i, 208, 260, 261; 
II, 301, 314. See De Forest, Mary, 

Lockwood, Peter, i, 208, 260, 271-75. 

Lockwood, Robert, i, 260. 

Long Island, landing of British 
troops on, i, 242, 243. 

Lord, Cornelia Livingston, 11, 308. 

Lord, Daniel, 11, 308. 

Lord, Daniel, Jr., marriage, 11, 99, 
100, 102, 103; involved in the 
church trial controversy, 1 16; 
reconciled to Lockwood de Forest, 
135; law office of, 161, 162; de- 
scendants of, 308. 



[ 386] 



Index 



Lord, Daniel de Forest, ii, 123, 149, 

162, 308. 
Lord, Edward C, 11, 308. 
Lord Eliza Brown, 11, 308. 
Lord, Franklin Butler, 11, 308. 
Lord, George de Forest, 11, 308. 
Lord, Grace Davison, 11, 308. 
Lord, James Brown, 11, 308. 
Lord, James Couper ist, 11, 308. ; 
Lord, James Couper 2nd, 11, 308. 
Lord, John Cravy, 11, 308. 
Lord, John Cravy, Jr., 11, 308. 
Lord, Margaret Hawley, daughter, 

II, 308. 
Lord, Margaret Hawley, mother, 11, 

308. 
Lord, Phœbe Lucretia, 11, 308. 
Lord, Sarah, 11, 308. 
Lord, Susan. See De Forest, Susan. 
Lord, Susan, daughter of John C, 

II, 308. _ 
Lord, William Brown, 11, 308. 
Lucas, Amariah, 11, 71, 72. 
Lucifer, Admiral, i, 54, 55, 60; 11, 259, 

265, 269. 
Lum, Hannah, 11, 300, 314. 

Mackerel, the, i, 30-33; 11, 190-99, 
205. 

Maillard, Anne, i, 9, 11. 

Maillard, Michel, i, 9. 

Mallett, Samuel, 11, 297. 

Manhattan Island, i, 81-108. See 
New Amsterdam, New Nether- 
land. 

Marcasite, golden, i, 49; 11, 275. 

Marks, Leah, 11, 301. 

Marriage banns, 11, 356. 

Marsh, Colonel Ebenezer, 11, 321. 

Marsh, Helen Eliza, 11, 307. 

Marsh, Samuel Dexter, 11, 307. 

Marshall, Mr., 11, 55. 

Marven, Mary S., 11, 310. 

Marvin, Daniel, 11, 296. 

Marvin, Jared, 11, 296. 

Marvin, Josiah, father, 11, 295, 296. 

Marvin, Josiah, son, 11, 296. 

Masure, Dominique, i, 27; 11, 190, 
191. 

Mead, Sabra, 11, 313. 

Meeting-houses. See Churches. 

Meigs's Light Regiment, i, 234; 11, 

330. 331- 
Menzies, Mabel, 11, 312. I 



Merris, John, I, 87, 112. 

Messire, the title, i, 7. 

Michaelius, Rev. Jonas, i, 122. 

Military organizations, i, 197, 198; 
in Connecticut, 219. 

Milliman, Sarah, 11, 316. 

Mills, Abigail Elizabeth, 11, 298. 

Mills, Annie, 11, 298. 

Mills, Aurelia, 11, 298. 

Mills; Elisha, i, 203, 204, 212, 277, 
285; 11, 297, 298. 

Mills, Elisha Treat, 11, 298. 

Mills, Hepsa, 11, 298. 

Mills, Isaac, 11, 298. 

Mills, Rev. Jedediah, pastor at Rip- 
ton, I, 180, 189, 190, 212; and Mr. 
Whitefield, 194, 195; son married 
to daughter of Lockwood de 
Forest, 203, 212; 11, 297; death, i, 

275- 
Mills, Mary. See De Forest, Mary. 
Mills, Mary, daughter of Elisha, 11, 

298. 
Mills, Samuel Peat, 11, 298. 
Mills, Sarah Apama, 11, 298. 
Mills, Susannah, 11, 298, 315. 
Mills, William, 11, 298. 
Mocquet, Jean, i, 41. 
Monroe, Conn., i, 285. 
Monson, H. Nelson, i, 308; 11, 304. 
Monson, Rev. Samuel, i, 296, 308; 

", 303- 
Monson, Samuel Moss, i, 308; 11, 42, 

303- 
Montanye's fonteyn, i, 97. 
Montanye's Point, i, 105. 
Montcornet, i, 15. 
Moose Hill, i, 180-82, 186, 188, 209, 

261; 11, 3. 
Morse, John, i, 288. 
Moss, Joseph, 11, 304. 
Moss, Mary, 11, 303. 
Muscoota Bouweries, i, 81-108, II4- 

16. 
Myer, John, 11, 288. 

Napoleon's snuff-box, 11, 160. 

New Amsterdam, date of founding 
of, I, 28, 33-35; II, 190 n.; condi- 
tions in, 1, 118-23; brewers of, 123- 
25; government of, 129, 130; Brou- 
wer Straet, paving of, 131, 132; 
taken by the English, 135-39; re- 
taken by Dutch, 140, 141; biblio- 



[ 387] 



Index 



graphy of, ii, 366-68. See New 
Netherland. 

New Haven, Conn., Colony, i, 15 1 n., 
152; Lockwood de Forest removes 
to, II, 23, 24; Union or Long 
Wharf in, 25-27; Lockwood de 
Forest's place of business in, 27, 
28; Lockwood de Forest's resi- 
dence in, 29-31. 

New Netherland, voyage of the, i, 
28, 29, 33; II, 190 n. 

New Netherland, the patroon sys- 
tem in, I, 63-^9; arrival of the 
Rensselaerswyck at, 80; house- 
building in, 83-87; life in, 92, 93; 
trouble with Indians in, 102-04, 
106,113-16. Sfif New Amsterdam. 

New Stratford, i, 211-14, 261-65; 
church records in, 264, 265; land 
records in, 265; inn at, 265-69; 
the Due de Lauzun at, 279-83; 
endeavors in vain to become sepa- 
rate township, 283-85; becomes 
town of Monroe, 285; Lockwood 
de Forest's life at, 11, 3-10. See 
Stratford. 

New Town, 1, 283, 284. 

New York, great fire of 1835, 11, 128. 
See New Amsterdam. 

Nichols, Daniel, i, 297. 

Nichols, David, 11, 45. 

Nichols, Eunice, i, 298, 299. 

Nichols, Francis, i, 158, 198; 11, 291. 

Nichols, Huldah, i, 258; 11, 343. 

Nichols, Isaac, i, 163. 

Nichols, Nathan, i, 298. 

Nichols, Peter, i, 288. 

Nichols, Sally, 11, 31. 

NicoUs, Colonel Richard, i, 136, 137, 
139, 140. 

Nieuw Haerlem, settlement of, i, 
116. 

Noble, Elizabeth, 11, 293, 294, 315. 

Noiret, Jacquemine (or Jacqueline), 
I, no. 

North Stratford, i, 209-11. 

Northrup, Captain Gamaliel, 11, 329. 

Noyes, Julia Oilman, 11, 311. 

OfFoot, Phoebe, 11, 315. 
Olmstead, Sarah, 11, 292, 313. 
Ordination feast, innkeeper's bill for, 

I, 263. 
Oreillan, i, 49; 11, 247, 273. 



Oude Kerck, New Amsterdam, i, 

120, 126, 127. 
Oyapok River. See Wyapoko River. 

Patroons, i, 63-69; declaration of 
Hendrick de Forest concerning, 11, 

3S2-SS- 

Patterson, Eunice, 11, 291. 

Peacock and Pedlar, 11, 1 18, 147-49. 

Peat, Abigail, wife of Samuel de 
Forest, 11, 292, 314; marriage and 
settlement, i, 174-76; goes to- 
Moose Hill, 187, 188; her lands, 
202, 208; makes her will, 214, 215 •, 
death, 216, 275; her estate, 2x6. 

Peat, Benjamin, i, 175, 177. 

Peat (or Peet), John, i, 158. 

Peat, Samuel, i, 174-76, 187, 202; 
II, 360, 361. 

Peck, Captain Gad, 11, 64. 

Peet, Phebe, 11, 290. 

Pères de familles, i, 26, 35, 41, 51; n, 
172-89, 239, 241. 

Periwigs, i, 169. 

Perry, Catharine, 11, 307. 

Petition relating to estate of Hen- 
drick de Forest, 11, 355, 356. 

Phelps, Abby, 11, 298. 

Pigeon, the, ship of West India 
Company, i, 25, 27; 11, 176; voy- 
age of, I, 30-32,35, 36; 11, 188-221; 
along the Amazon, i, 36-40; 11, 
220-35; at the Wyapoko River, i, 
40; II, 236-41; returns to Holland, 

1,43- 

Pikes, Petronella, i, 129; 11, 284. 

Pikes, Vincent, i, 129. 

Pilgrim Fathers, i, 17, 18. 

Planters, New England, their sys- 
tem of exchange, i, 201, 202. 

"Playing Cards," 11, 33, 34, 52-98. 

Plummer, Isaac, 11, 298. 

Post-riders, i, 269. 

Protestantism in Hainaut, i, 8. 

Protestants, emigrate to Holland, i, 
10, 11; English, at Leyden, 17. 

Ransom, Betsey, 11, 300. 

Raymond, Rebecca, 11, 292, 313. 

Record, of church trial of Lockwood 
de Forest, 87-90; of same as cur- 
tailed, 90, 91. 

Records, church, i, 264, 265; land, 
265; war, II, 316-47; historical, of 



[ 388 ] 



Index 



New Amsterdam, 366-68; histori- 
cal, of Connecticut, 369, 370; Revo- 
lutionary, of Connecticut, 371. 

Religious revival, i, 192-96. 

Rémora, the, i, 36; 11, 219. 

Rensselaerswyck, colony, i, 63 n., 70, 
71,81. 

Rensselaerswyck, the, ship, i, 63, 
71; voyage of, 75-80; sails for Vir- 
ginia, 87-89; text of contract be- 
tween van Rensselaer and Gerard 
de Forest concerning, 11, 350-52. 

Report, of Committee on charges 
against Lockwood de Forest, 11, 
56-63 ; of Committee on Memorial 
of Lockwood de Forest, 86, 87. 

Revival, religious, i, 192-96. 

Revolutionary Records of Connecti- 
cut, II, 371. 

Revolutionary soldier, description 
of, I, 223; expenditure of, 11, 325. 

Revolutionary War, the de Forests 
in, I, 218-58, 277-83; II, 292-300, 
3 ^3"iS) . 322-48; rosters of, de 
Forests in, 317. 

Rexford, Rev. Elisha, i, 229, 230, 
261, 262, 264; II, 6. 

Rexford, Miss, i, 265. 

Ridgefield engagement, i, 231. 

Riley, Elizabeth, 11, 308. 

Ripton, founding of, i, 177-80; 
churches and church-going in, 179, 
180, 189-96, 198, 199; Samuel de 
Forest settles in, 180-87; New 
Stratford set off from, 211; be- 
comes town of Huntington, 284, 
285. 

Robinson, John, at Leyden, i, 17. 

Romeyn, Symon Johns, i, 143. 

Rosters of Revolutionary War, de 
Forests, in 11, 317. 

Round Robin, Jesse de Forest's, i, 
20, 27, 34, 35; II, 179. 

Rowan, Rev. Steven M., 11, 49, 78. 

Rowland, Henry, 11, loi. 

Rowland, Samuel, 11, 100, loi. 

Russell, Charles M., 11, 312. 

Russell, Louis de Forest, 11, 312. 

Rutgers, Harman, 11, 288. 

Sabba'day House, i, 190, 298, 301. 
Sabbath, violation of, 11,33, 34, 46- 



St. John, George, 11, 303. 



Sarley, Catalina, 11, 289. 

Saybrook Platform (Saybrook Arti- 
cles of Discipline), i, 157 n.; 11, 47, 
48. 

Schellinger, Jan Tiepkesz, i, 71, 78, 
79, 81, 89. _ 

Schuyler, Philip, i, 149. 

Scott, John, II, 186, 187. 

Scott, William, 11, 300. 

Seal of Gilles, Dean of Avesnes,i, 7, 1 2. 

Sedan, i, 10, 13, 14. 

Servants in New Amsterdam, i, 122. 

Shakespeare, William, i, 146. 

Shaving, regulation concerning, in 
New Amsterdam, i, 98 n. 

Shelton, Frances Theodora, 11, 308. 

Sherman, Jotham, i, 288. 

Sherman, Phineas, 11, 291. 

Sherman, Grandmother Rhoda, 11, 44. 

Silliman, Captain Deodate, i, 285. 

Silliman, Colonel Gold S., i, 228, 229. 

Skinner, Eliza de Forest, 11, 307. 

Skinner, Frederick Downer, 11, 307. 

Skinner, Jane Wakeman, 11, 308. 

Skinner, John, 11, 307. 

Skinner, Leonard Wales, 11, 307. 

Skinner, Mary. See De Forest, Mary. 

Skinner, Mary de Forest, 11, 307. 

Skinner, Mary Sherman, 11, 307. 

Skinner, Roger Sherman, 11, 102, 306. 

Skinner, William Perry, 11, 307. 

Skinner, William W., 11, 307. 

Slaves, in New Amsterdam, i, 121, 
122; in New England, 291, 292. 

Sloane, Sir Hans, 11, 171, 182-84. 

Soldiers, Revolutionary, description 
of, I, 223; expenditure of, 11, 325. 

South River (Delaware Bay), i, 64, 

65- 

Southmayd, Alma, 11, 3 16. 

Speckle-wood, 1, 49; 11, 261, 263, 265. 

Spinning, i, 293. 

Spring, Rev. Gardiner, 11, 108, 109. 

Stam, Dirck Corssen, i, 71, 74, 78, 
102. 

Staples Academy, i, 309. 

Staten Island, i, 242, 243. 

States of Holland and West Fries- 
land, resolutions of, i, 22, 23. 

Stay-fish, the, i, 36; 11, 219. 

Steffeniersz, Arent, i, 81. 

Sterling, Eleanor, 11, 292, 3 14. 

Sterling, Mary Ann, 11, 306, 314. 

Stevens, Samuel, 11, 301. 



[ 389] 



Index 



Stocks at Fairfield, ii, i8. 

Strat le Maire, i, 42 n. 

Stuart, Rev. Moses, 11, 32-34,42,65, 

80-84. 
Stuyvesant, Judith, i, 149. 
Stuyvesant, Peter, i, 106, 131, 133, 

137-39, 1 49-. 

Swan, Benjamin L., 11, 127, 306 n. 

Swanendael colony, history of, i, 64- 
69. 

Stratford, Conn., founding of, i, 150- 
53; churches and church-services 
in, 153-57; some early inhabitants 
of, 158-60; ferry in, 158, 159; 
present-day quaintness of, 160, 
161; feeling in, at battle of Lexing- 
ton, 221; enthusiasm at, 226, 227; 
meeting of Washington and Lafay- 
ette at, 227; bounties offered in, 
253, 254; trials of, in the War, 255- 
57. See New Stratford. 

Swits, Cornells Claesen, i, 1 15, 130. 

Tavern haunters, 11, 18. 

Taylor, Rev. Nathaniel W., 11, 34, 
50, 51, 66, 67, 71-78, 90-95. 

Teunissen, Tobias, joins expedition 
to New Netherland, i, 73; on Hen- 
drick de Forest's bouwery, 83,84, 
92; seeks release in vain, 97; be- 
comes freeman, 103; death, 107, 
116; children of, 131. 

Texel, the, 11, 191. 

Thompson, John, i, 172, 173. 

Thompson, Samuel, 11, 297. 

Thompson, William i, 240. 

Ticonderoga, Fort, i, 221, 222. 

Tiles, Dutch, i, 276, 311, 312. 

Titsoort, Teuntie, 11, 289. 

Tobago, I, 59-61; II, 186. 

Tomlinson, Captain Beach, i, 241; 
II, 328, 329. 

Tomlinson, Hannah, 11, 297, 316. 

Tomlinson, Sally, 11, 298. 

Trial, church, of Lockwood de For- 
est, II, 48-98. 

Trimbol, Pieter Jansen, 1, 124 n. 

Truman, Captain, 11, 55-59, 65, 69. 

UfToot (Ufford), Eunice, 11, 294, 315. 

Van Aalsteyn, Abigail, 11, 287. 
Van Couwenhoven, Jacob Wolphert- 
sen, I, 125, 126. 



Van Curler, Jacob, i, 90. 

Van der Bogaerdt, i, 118; 11, 359 n. 

Van der Spiegel, Lysbeth, 11, 288. 

Van Flaesbeek, Fiammettia, 11, 288. 

Van Imbroech, Gysbert, i, 107; 11, 
284. 

Van Imbroech, Lysbet, i, 107; 11, 284. 

Van Ravenstein, 11, 288. 

Van Rensselaer, Kiliaen, i, 63, 64, 
70-78; and Gerard de Forest, text 
of contract between, 11, 350-52. 

Van Rensselaer Bowier Manuscripts, 

I, 63. 

Van Ryen, Captain Jan., i, 60, 61. 
Van Stapels, Captain Gelyn, i, 54, 

55, 60; II, 178, 258, 264 n., 276. 
Van Twiller, Wouter, i, 74, 82, 98. 
Van Volkenburgh, Susie Edwards, 

II, 310. 

Van Volkenburgh, Thomas Sedg- 
wick, II, 310. 

Van Wassenaer, Nicolaes, quoted on 
the voyage of the New Nether- 
land, 1, 29 n.; quoted on the yacht, 
Mackerel, 32; 11, 191 n.; letter 
from Wyapoko River preserved 
by, I, 44, 45. 

Venezuela, 11, 172. 

Verbraeck, Claes, i, 136. 

Verbrugge, Jan, deed to, from Jan 
Labatie, for house and lot, 11, 358, 
359; deed from, to Isaack dc 
Forest, for house and lot, 359. 

Verduyn, Elizabeth, 11, 289. 

Verlet, Susannah, 11, 286. 

Vermeulen, Marie, 11, 283, 284. 

Verveelen, Daniel, i, 125. 

Verveelen, Johannes, I, 122, 124, 1.25. 

Virginia, unhealthfulness of its cli- 
mate, I, 88, 89. 

Virginia Company, answer of, to 
Jesse de Forest's demands, i, 21. 

Voyage to Guiana, A, 11, 171-279. 
See Journal. 

Vredendal, i, 97, lOl, 104, 105. 

Wakeman, Burr, 11, 11 1, 309. 
Wakeman, Jane. See De Forest, 

Jane. 
Wakeman, Louise, 11, 309. 
Waldron, Cornelia, 11, 289. 
Walker, Abigail, 11, 294, 315. 
Walloons, their character, i, 3; their 

territory, 4; their present numbers, 



[ 390 ] 



Ind 



ex 



4; Catholicism and Protestantism 
among, in the sixteenth century, 7, 
8; emigrate to Holland, 10, 11; 
plan to emigrate to America under 
Jesse de Forest, 18-22; sail on the 
"New Netherland," 29, 33, 34; 11, 
190 n. 

War records, 11, 317-48. See War 
time. 

War time, de Forests in, i, 218-58. 
See War records, French and 
Indian War, Revolutionary War. 

Washington, D.C., 11, 140. 

Washington, George, i, 227, 256. 

Waterbury, Colonel David, i, 224, 
226. 

Waterman, T. T., his description of 
William de Forest, 11, 302, 303. 

Wedding, description of, i, 203; 11, 
138, 139- 

Weekes, John A., n, 162. 

Weekes, Julia, 11, 162, 163. 

Weeks, Julia Mary, 11, 311. 

Welles, Gideon, 11, 331, 332. 

West India Company. See Dutch. 

West Indies, application of the term, 
I, 22, 29. 

Weston, Conn., i, 309; 11, 10-12. 

Wetmore, Rev. Izrahiah, i, 235 n. 

Whale, the, i, 65, 67. 

Whaling industry at Swanendael, i, 
64. 

Wheeler, Betsey, i, 299. 

Wheeler, Elizabeth, 11, 291. 

Wheeler, Elnathan, 11, 291. 

Wheeler, Elnathan, Jr., 11, 291. 

Wheeler, Eunice, 11, 291. 

Wheeler, Martha, 11, 291. 

Wheeler, Mary, 11, 291. 

Wheeler, Mehetabel, i, 291, 295; 11, 5, 
6,307. S^f De Forest, Mehetabel. 

Wheeler, Moses, ferryman, i, 158, 
IS9, 174, 17s, 177, 287; n, 291. 

Wheeler, Deacon Moses, i, 287. 

Wheeler, Nathan, patriot, i, 277; 
neighbor of Nehemiah de Forest, 
286; birth, 287; prominent in par- 
ish matters, 287; marriage, 287; 
children, 291; second marriage, 
291; daughters of, occupation, 



292-94; privileges given Grand- 
mother Rhoda by, 294, 295; buys 
farm in village of New Stratford, 
295, 296; interests and occupa- 
tions of, 297, 298; Homestead 
Farm of, 297, 299; third marriage, 
298; death, 299; his estate, 299; 
part purchaser of inn, 310; his 
apple brandy, 11, 45; grandson of 
Elnathan, 291. 

Wheeler, Nathan Nichols, i, 299. 

Wheeler, Nathaniel, 11, 291. 

Wheeler, Rhoda, i, 291, 297; 11, 5. 

Wheeler, Ruth, 11, 291. 

Wheeler Sally-Betsey, i, 291, 297; 
11,5. 

Wheeler, Samuel, i, 3 10. 

Wheeler, Sarah, 11, 291. 

Whipping-post, 11, 17, 18. 

White marcasite, 11, 275 n. 

Whitefield, George, i, 192-96. 

Whiting, Nathan, n, 67. 

Wild Coast, i, 25, 26, 29 n., 37, 50; 
II, 171, 185. 

Windsor chairs, i, 289. 

Witches, II, 16. 

Woodruff, Lockwood de Forest, 11, 
146,311. 

Woodruff, Louisa. See De Forest, 
Louisa. 

Woodruff, Samuel M., 11, 138, 3 1 1. 

Woodward, Dotha, 11, 316. 

Wooster, General David, i, 165 n., 
221, 222, 225, 226, 231; II, 319, 320. 

Wooster, Julia, 11, 316. 

Wooster, Laura, 11, 316. 

Wyapoko River, i, 38, 39; colonists 
at, 40-55; II, 236-59; second col- 
ony sent to, I, 60; maps and de- 
scription of, 39, 40; II, 175, 176, 
270-79. 

Yachts, in seventeenth century, i, 

66. 
Yaos Indians, i, 40, 47, 48; 11, 243, 

24s, 251. 
Yapoko, I, 41. 

Zeeland Chamber of West India Co., 
I, 54, 60; II, 177, 185. 



THE END 



CAMBRIDGE . MASSACHUSETTS 
U . S . A 



De Forest EY 

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Walloon family in 
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